^4? 4* 4* 4* 4* 4* 4^ 4* 4(*4' 4* 4? 4* 4* 4* 4* 4* 'l*4> 4" 4* 4* 4^ 4* 4*4^ 4* 4^ 4* 4* 4" 4^ 4* 4* 4* 4* 4* 'l')^ t "^ I General Library % 1 * UNIVERSITY OF MICHIQAN. Presented by 4- 4" s«4*4*4*4*4*4'4*4*4''f4'4^4'4*4*«l'4*4'4'4'4'4'4'4'4'4^4*4^4^4^4^4'4**f*'f*f*f'f*i io. 168 Supplement Price, 15 Cents The Duties of Man ADDRESSED TO WORKINGMEN Joseph Mazzini FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY London New York Toronto THE STANDARD LIBRARY. Subscription Price, J2.00 per year. Issued Quarterly. BfUered at the PosuOMce, Nov. 38, 1893. New Vork, as secowl-clam matter. Number One, How to Take Care of Him. A Series of 'Talltv^ on tlie Art of I*reserviiigr Healtli. BY JOSEPH J. POPE, M,D., Staff-Surgeon Army Eoyal Artillery ; Lecturer on the Special Staff of National Health Society, London. 12mo, Clotli, 160 pp. Price, 7oc., Postage Free. *' Such subjects as Diet, Dress, Ventilation, Exercise, are handled in a manner at once pleasing and full of instruction that is vital- ly important. A wide circulation of this book is bound to insure three things : better bodies, better dispositions, better minds, and, we might add, better religion. The au- thor does not mince matters in discussing alcoholic drinks and tobacco."— O/msiian er. ''This series of talks on the art of preserv- ing the health is marked by sterling coni- mon sense and a mastery of sanitary sci- ence."— T/ie Interior, Chicago. ''This book deserves much praise and a wide circulation. Its author, evidently from his extensive official practice in England, knows what he proposes to teach, and has made sanitary science a specialty. . . Well worth reading, and full of sound precepts and useful truths."— T/ie Brooklyn Eagle. FUNK & WAG-NALLS, Publishers, 18 & 20 Astor Place, New York. dl AN ESSAY ON THE DUTIES OF MAN ADDRESSED TO WORKINGMEN WRITTEN IN 1844 AND 1858 BY JOSEPH MAZZINI REPKINTED BY PERMISSION OP MRS. EMILIE ASHURST VENTURI Editor of " The Life and Writings of Joseph Mazzini" PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY Lo:ndon and Toronto 1892 CONTENTS. Chapter I. pages. Introduction — 1844 ...., 5-20 Chapter II. God ...* , 2 1-32 Chapter III. The Law 33-43 Chapter IV. Duties Towards Humanity 44-56 Chapter V. Duties Towards your Country — 1858 S7~63 Chapter VI. Duties Towards the Family 64-71 Chapter VII. Duties Towards Yourselves 72-83 Chapter VIII. Liberty 84-92 Chapter IX. pages. Education 93~ioi Chapter X. Association. Progress 102-109 Chapter XI. The Economical Question 110-136 Chapter XII. Conclusion - --- 137-146 AN ESSAY ON THE DUTIES OF MAN. ADDRESSED TO WORKINGMEN. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. 1844. I INTEND to speak to you of your duties. I intend to speak to you, according to the dictates of my heart, of the holiest things we know; to speak to you of God, of Humanity, of the Fatherland, and the Family. Listen to me in love, as I shall speak to you in love. My words are words of conviction, matured by long years of study, of experience, and of sorrow. The duties which I point out to you I have striven, and shall strive while I live, to fulfill so far as I have the power. I may err, but my error is not of the heart. Lmay deceive myself, but I will not deceive you. Listen to me, then, fraternally; judge freely among yourselves whether I speak truth or error. If it seems to you I speak error, leave me; but follow me and act according to my teachings, if you believe me the apostle of truth. To err is misfortune, and deserving of commiseration; but to know the truth and fail to regulate our actions according to its teach- O THE DUTIES OF MAN. ings is a crime condemned alike by Heaven and earth. Wherefore do I speak to you of your duties before speaking to you of your rights ? Wherefore, in a Society wherein all, voluntarily or involuntarily, tend to oppress you; wherein the exercise of so many of the rights that belong to man is continually denied to you; wherein your portion is suffering, and all that which men call happiness is for other classes — do I speak to you of self-sacrifice rather than of con- quest 2 of virtue, of moral improvement, and of edu- tion, rather than of material well-being? This is a question which I am bound to answer clearly before I go any further, because this is pre- cisely the point which constitutes the difference be- tween the school to which I belong and many others now existing in Europe; and also because this is a question that naturally arises in the vexed mind of the suffering workingman. " We are the slaves of labour — poor and unhappy; speak to us of material improveme^it, of liberty^ of happiness. Tell us if we are doomed to suffer forever ; if we are never to enjoy in our turn. Preach duty to our employ- ers; to the classes above us^ who treat us like machines^ and monopolize the sources of well-beings which ^ in jus- tice ^ belong to all 77ien. Speak to us of our. rights; tell us how to gain them. Speak to us of our strength; lei us first obtain a recognized social and political existence; then indeed you may talk to us of our duties. ^^ So say too many workingmen, and they follow doc- trines and join associations corresponding to such thoughts and desir'es: forgetful, however, of one thing, and that is, that these very doctrines to which INTRODUCTION. 7 they still appeal have been preached during the last fifty years, without resulting in any, the slightest, material improvement in the condition of the work- ingman. AH that has been achieved or attempted in the cause of progress and improvement in Europe during the last fifty years, whether against absolute govern- ments or the aristocracy of birth, has been attempted in the name of the Rights of Man and of Liberty^ as the means of that well-being which has been regarded as the end and aim of life. All the acts of the great French Revolution, and of all of those revolutions which succeeded and imitated it, were a consequence of the ''''Declaration of the Rights of Man'' All the works of those philosophers, whose writings prepared the way for that Revolution, were founded upon a theory of Liberty, and of making known to every individual his Rights. The doctrines of all the Revolutionary schools preached that man was born for happiiiess; that he had a right to seek happiness by every means in his power; and that no one had a right to impede him in that search; while he had a right to over- throw whatever obstacles he met in his path to- wards it. And all those obstacles were overthrown; liberty was achieved. In many countries it lasted for years; in some it exists even yet. Has the condition of the people improved ? Have the millions who live by the daily labour of their hands acquired any, the smallest amount, of the promised and desired well-being? No; the condition of the people is not improved. On the contrary, in most countries it has even deteriorated; and here, 8 THE DUTIES OF MAN. especially, where I write, ^ the price of the necessaries of life has continually augmented, the wages of work- ingmen in many branches of industry have progres- sively diminished, while the population has increased. In almost all countries the condition of the working- man has become more uncertain, more precarious, while those crises which condemn thousands of work- ingmen to a certain period of inertia have become more frequent. The annual increase of emigration from country to country, and from Europe to other parts of the world, and the ever-increasing number of benevolent insti- tutions, of poor's rates, and other precautions against mendicity, suffice to prove this. They indicate that public attention is continually being attracted to the sufferings of the people; but their inefficiency visibly to diminish those sufferings demonstrates an equally progressive augmentation of the miser}^ of the classes in whose behalf they endeavour to provide. And nevertheless in these last fifty years the sources of social wealth and the mass of material means of happiness have been continually on the increase. Commerce, surmounting those frequent crises which are inevitable in the absolute absence of all organiza- tion, has achieved an increase of power and activity, and a wider sphere of operation. Communication has almost everywhere been rendered rapid and secure, and hence the price of produce has decreased in proportion to the diminished cost of transport. On the other hand, the idea that there are rights in- ^ England. It must be borne in mind that this and the chree succeeding chapters were written in 1844. INTRODUCTION. 9 herent to human nature is now generally admitted and accepted — hypocritically and in words at least — even by those who seek to withhold those rights. Why, then, has not the condition of the people im- proved? Why has the consumption of produce, instead of being equally distributed among all the Members of European Society, become concentrated in the hands of a few, of a class forming a new aristocracy? Why has the fresh impulse given to industry and com- merce resulted, not in the well-being of the many, but in the luxury of a few? The answer ic clear to those who look closely into things. Men are the creatures of education, and their actions are but the consequence of the principle of education given to them. The promoters of revo- lutions and political transformations have hitherto founded them all on one idea, the idea of the rights pertaining to the individual. Those revolutions achieved Liberty — individual liberty, liberty of edu- cation, liberty of belief, liberty of commerce, liberty in all things and for all men. But of what use were rights when acquired by men who had not the means of exercising them? Of what use was mere liberty of education to men who had neither time nor means to profit by it? Of what use was mere liberty of commerce to those who pos- sessed neither merchandise, capital, nor credit? In all the countries wherein these principles were proclaimed. Society was composed of the small num- ber of individuals who were possessors of the land, of capital, and of credit, and of the vast multitude who possessed nothing but the labour of their hands, and were compelled to sell that labour to the first lO THE DUTIES OF MAN. class on any terms, in order to live. For such men, compelled to spend the whole day in material and monotonous exertion, and condemned to a continual struggle against hunger and want, what was liberty but an illusion, a bitter irony? The only way to prevent this state of things would have been for the upper classes voluntarily to con- sent to reduce the hours of labour, while they in- creased its remuneration; to bestow an uniform and gratuitous education upon the multitude; to render the instruments of labour accessible to all, and create a credit for workmen of good capacity and of good in- tentions. Now, why should they have done this? Was not well-being the end and aim of life? Was not pros- perity the one thing desired by all? Why should they diminish their own enjoyments in favour of others? ** Let those help themselves who can. When Society has secured to each individual the free exercise of those rights which are inherent in human nature, it has done all it is bound to do. If there be any one who, from some fatality of his own position, is un- able to exercise any of these rights, let him resign himself to his fate, and not blame others." It was natural they should speak thus, and thus in fact they spake. And this mode of regarding the poor by the privileged classes soon became the mode in which individuals regarded one another. Each man occupied himself with his own rights and the amelioration of his own position, without seeking to provide for others; and when those rights clashed with the rights of others, the result was a state of war— a war, not of blood, but of gold and craft; less INTRODUCTION. 1 1 manly than the other, but equally fatal; a relentless war in which those who possessed means inexorably crushed the weak and inexpert. In this state of continual warfare, men were edu- cated in selfishness and the exclusive greed of material well-being. Mere liberty of belief had destroyed all community of faith ; mere liberty of education gen- erated moral anarchy. Mankind, without any com- mon bond, without unity of religious belief or aim, bent upon enjoyment and naught beyond, sought each and all to tread in their own path, little heeding if, in pursuing it, they trampled upon the bodies of their brothers — brothers in name, but enemies in fact. This is the state of things we have reached at the present day, thanks to the theory of rights. Rights no doubt exist ; but when the rights of one individual happen to clash with those of another, how can we hope to reconcile and harmonize them, if we do not refer to something which is above all rights? And when the rights of an individual, or of many in- dividuals, clash with the rights of the country, to what tribunal shall we appeal ? If the right to the greatest possible amount of hap- piness exist in a// human beings, how are we to solve the question between the workingman and the manu- facturer ? If the right to existence is the first inviol- able right of every man, who shall demand the sacrifice of that existence for the benefit of other men ? Will you demand it in the name of the country, of Society, of the multitude, your brothers ? What is their country to those who hold the theory I describe, if it be not the spot wherein their indi- 12 THE DUTIES OF MAN. vidual rights are most secure? What is Society but an assemblage of men who have agreed to bring the power of the many in support of the rights of each ? And you, who for fifty years have been preaching to the individual that Society is constituted for the pur- pose of securing to him the exercise of his rights , how can you ask him to sacrifice them all in favour of that Society, and submit, if need be, to ceaseless effort, to jimprisonment or exile, for the sake of improving it? After having taught him by every means in your power that the end and aim of life is happiness, how can you expect him to sacrifice both happiness and life itself to free his country from foreign oppression, or to produce some amelioration in the condition of a class to which he does not belong? After you have preached to him for years in the name of material interest, can you pretend that he shall see wealth and power within his own reach and not stretch forth his hand to grasp them, even though to the injury of his fellow-men? ^ * * * H« * Who shall persuade the man, believing solely in the theory of rights, that he is bound to strive for the com.mon good, and occupy himself in the develop- ment of the social idea? Suppose he should rebel; suppose he should feel himself strong enough to say to you: " I break the social bond; my tendencies and my faculties invite me elsewhere; I have a sacred, an inviolable right to develop those tendencies and fac- ulties, and I choose to be at war with the rest;" what answer can you make him within the limits of the Doctrine of Rights? What right have you, merely as a majority, to compel his obedience to laws which do INTRODUCTION. 13 not accord with his individual desires and aspirations? What right have you to punish him should he violate those laws? The Rights of each individual are equal; the mere fact of living together in Society does not create a single one. Society has greater power, not greater rights, than the individual. How, then, will you prove to the individual that he is bound to confound his will in the will of his brothers, whether of coun- try or of humanity? By means of the prison or the executioner? Every Society that has existed hitherto has em- ployed these means. But this is a state of war, and we need peace; this is tyrannical repression, and we need Education. EDUCATION, I have said, and my whole doctrine is included and summed up in this grand word. The vital question in agitation at the present day is a question of Education. We do not seek to establish a new order of things through violence. Any order of things established through violence, even though itself superior to the old, is still a tyranny. What we have to do is to propose, for the approval of the nation, an order of things which we believe to be superior to that now existing, and to educate men by every possible- means to develop it and act in accord- ance with it. The theory of Rights may suffice to arouse men to overthrow the obstacles placed in their path by tyranny, but it is impotent where the object in view is to create a noble and powerful harmony between the various elements of which the nation is composed. With the theory of happiness as the primary aim of 14 THE DUTIES OF MAN. existence, we shall only produce egoists who will carry the old passions and desires into the new order of things, and introduce corruption into it a few months after. We have, therefore, to seek a Principle of Education superior to any such theory, and cap- jable of guiding mankind onwards toward their own improvement, of teaching them constancy and self- sacrifice, and of uniting them with their fellow-men, without making them dependent either on the idea of a single man or the /^;v, and that of the fellow-beings by whom you are surrounded ; but in order to tell you how to worship Him, and to ad- monish you of an error that predominates in the classes by whom you are governed, and through their example influences too many of yourselves, an error as grave and fatal as atheism itself. This error is the separation, more or less apparent, of God from His work, from the earth upon which you are called to fulfill one period of your existence. On the one side there are men who tell you: "// is very true that God exists y but the only thing you can do is to confess His existence, and adore Him. None can com- prehend or declare the relation between God and your con- science. Reflect upofi all this as much as you please^ but neither propound your own belief to your fellow-7nen^ nor seek to apply it to the affairs of this earth. " Politics are one things Religion another. Do not con- found them together. Leave all heavenly things to the spirittml authorities, whatever they may be, reserving to yourself the right of refusing them your belief if they appear tp you to betray their mission. Let each man 24 THE DUTIES OF MAN, believe in his own ivay j the only thing about which you are bound to concern yourselves in co7nmon are the things of this world. Materialists^ or Spiritualists, whichsoever you be, do you believe in the liberty and equality of mankind'^ do you desire the well-being of the majority ? do you believe in universal stcffrage ? Unite together to obtain these things ; in order to obtain these, you will have no occasion to come to a common understanding about heavenly things.^* On the other side, you have men who say to you, *^ God exists, but He is too great, too superior to all created things, for you to hope to approach Him through any hu7nan work. The earth is of clay. Life is but a day. Withdraw yourselves from the first as far as possible and do 7iot value the other above its worth. What are all earthly interests in comparison with the immortal life of your, soul ? Think of this I Fix your eyes on Heaven. What matters it how you live here below ? You are doomed to die, and God will judge you according to the thoughts you have given, not to earth, but to Him. Are you unhappy ? Bless the God who has sent you sorrows. Terrestrial existence is but a period of trial, the earth but a land of exile. Despise it, and raise yourselves above it. In the midst of sorrows, poverty, or slavery, you can still turn to God and sanctify yourselves in adoration of Hi7n, in prayer, and. in faith i7t a fjtttire that will largely recom- pense you^ for havi7ig despised every worldly thing.'' Of those who speak to you thus, the first do not love God, the second do not know Him. Say to the first that man is one. You cannot divide him in half, and so contrive that he shall agree with you in those principles which regulate the origin of society while he differs with you as regards his own origin, destiny, and law of life here below. The GOD. 25 world is governed by Religions. When the Indians really believed that some of them were born from the head, others from the arms, and others from the feet of Brahma, their Divinity, they organized their society by distributing mankind into castes; assigning to one caste an inheritance of intellectual labour, to another of military, and to others of servile duties; and thus condemned themselves to an immobility that still endures, and that will endure so long as belief in that religious principle shall last. When the Christians declared to the world that all men were the sons of God, and brethren in His name, all the doctrines of the legislators and philosophers of antiquity, tending to establish the existence of two races of men, availed not to prevent the abolition of slavery, and a consequent radical reorganization of Society. For every advance in religious belief we can point to a corresponding social advance in the history of Humanity, while the only result you can show as a consequence of your doctrine of indifference in mat- ters of religion is anarchy. You have been able to destroy; never to build up. Disprove this, if you can. By dint of exaggerating one of the principles of Protestantism — a principle which Protestantism it- self now feels the necessity of abandoning — by dint of deducing all your ideas from the sole principle of the independence of the individual, you have achieved — what? In commerce, you have achieved anarchy — that is to say, the oppression of the weak. In politics you have achieved liberty — that is to say, the derision of the weak, who have neither time, nor means, nor in- 26 THE DUTIES OF MAN. struction sufficient to enable them to exercise their rights. In morals you have achieved selfishness — that is to say, the isolation and ruin of the weak, who cannot raise themselves alone. But what we seek is association. How shall we realize this securely, unless among brothers, believing in the same ruling principle, united in the same faith, and bearing witness by the same name? What we seek is ediccation. How shall we give or receive it, unless in virtue of a principle that sums up and expresses our common belief as to the origin, the aim, and the law of the life of mankind upon earth? We seek a conifuon education. How shall we give or receive it without belief in a common faith and a common duty? And whence can we deduce a common duty, if not from the idea we form of God and our relation to Him? Doubtless universal suffrage is an excellent thing. It is the only legal means by which a people may govern itself without risk of continual violent crises. Universal suffrage in a country governed by a com- mon faith is the expression of the national will; but in a country deprived of a common belief, what can it be but the mere expression of the interests of those numerically the stronger, to the oppression of all the rest? All the political reforms achieved in countries either irreligious or indifferent to religion have lasted as long as interest allowed — no longer. On this point the experience of political movements in Europe GOD. 27 during the last fifty years has taught us lessons enough. To those who speak to you of heaven, and seek to separate it from earth, you will say that heaven and earth are one, even as the way and the goal are one. Tell us not that the earth is of clay. The earth is of God. God created it as the medium through which we may ascend to Him. The earth is not a mere sojourn of temptation or of expiation; it is the appointed dwelling-place wherein we are bound to work out our own improvement and development and advance towards a higher stage of existence. God created us not to contemplate, but to act. He created us in His own image, and He is Thought and Action^ or rather, in Him there is no Thought which is not simultaneous Action. You tell us to despise all worldly things, to trample under foot our terrestrial life, in order to concern ourselves solely with the Celestial; but what is our terrestrial life save a prelude to the Celestial — a step towards it? See you not that while sanctifying the last step of the ladder by which we must all ascend, by thus declaring the first accursed you arrest us on the way? The life of a soul is sacred in every stage of its existence; as sacred in the earthly stage as in those which are to follow. Each stage must be made a preparation for the next; every temporary advance must aid the gradual ascending progress of that im- mortal life breathed into us all by God Himself, as well as the progress of the great Entity — Humanity — which is developed through the labour of each and every individual. 28 THE DUTIES OF MAN. God has placed you here upon this earth. He has surrounded you with myriads of fellow-beings whose minds receive aliment from your own, whose devel- opment progresses simultaneously with your own, whose life is fecundated by your own. In order to preserve you from the dangers of isolation He has given you desires which you are incapable of satis- fying alone, and those dominating social instincts which distinguish you from the brute creation, in which they are dormant. He has spread around you a material world, magnificent in beauty and pregnant with life; a life — be it ever remembered — which, though it reveal itself by divine impulse, yet every- where awaits your labour, and modifies its manifes- tations through you. increasing in power and vigour in proportion to your increased activity. God has given you certain sympathies which are inextinguishable. Such are pity for those that mourn, and joy for those that rejoice; anger against those who oppress their fellow-creatures; a ceaseless yearn- ing after truth; admiration for the genius that dis- covers a new portion or form of truth; enthusiasm for those who reduce it to beneficial action upon man- kind; and religious veneration for those, who, failing to achieve its triumph, yet bear witness to it with their blood, and die in martyrdom: and you deny and reject all the indications of your mission which God has thus clustered around you, when you cry anathema on the work of His hand, and call upon us to concentrate all our faculties on a work of mere inward purification, necessarily imperfect, nay impos- sible, if sought alone. Does not God punish those who strive to do this ? GOD. 29 Is not the slave degraded ? Is not one-half of the soul of the poor day-labourer (doomed to consume the light divine in a series of physical acts unrelieved by a gleam of education) buried beneath its animal appetites, in those blind instincts which you name material ? Do you find more religious faith in the poor Russian serf than in the Pole fighting the battle of country and liberty? Do you find more fervent love of God in the degraded subject of a pope or despotic king than in the Lombard republicans of the twelfth, or Florentine republicans of the four- teenth, century ? " Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is Liberty," has been declared by one of the most powerful Apostles the world has known, and the religion he preached decreed the abolition of slavery. Who that crouches at the foot of the creature can rightly know and worship the Creator ? Yours is not a Religion. It is a sect of men who have forgotten their origin, forgotten the battles which their fathers fought against a corrupt society and the victories they gained in transforming the world which you despise, O men of contemplation ! The first real, earnest religious Faith that shall arise upon the ruins of the old worn-out creeds will transform the whole of our actual social organization, because every strong and earnest faith tends to apply itself to every branch of human activity; because in every epoch of its existence the earth has ever tend- ed to conform itself to the Heaven in which it then believed; and because the whole history of Humanity is but the repetition — in form and degree varying ac- cording to the diversity of the times — of the words 30 THE DUTIES OF MAN. of the Dominical Christian Prayer: Thy Kingdom Come on Earth as it is in Heaven. "Thy Kingdom come on earth as it is in heaven." Let these words — better understood and better ap- plied than in the past— be the utterance of your faith, your prayer, O my brothers! Repeat them, and strive to fulfill them. No matter if others seek to persuade you to passive resignation and indifference to earthly things, if they preach submission to every temporal authority, however unjust, by quoting to you — with- out comprehending them — the words, " Render unto C^sar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God's." Nothing is of Caesar unless it be such in conformity to the law of God. Caesar — that is to say, the tem- poral power of civil government — is but the adminis- trator and executive, as far as lies in its power, of the design of the Almighty. Whensoever it is false to its mission and trust, it is, I do not say your rights but your diLty^ to change it. For what purpose are you placed here, if it be not to work out the providential design in your own sphere and according to your means? To what pur- pose do you profess to believe in that Unity of the human race which is the necessary consequence of the Unity of God, if you do not strive to verify it by destroying the arbitrary divisions and enmities that still separate the different tribes of Humanity? What avails it to believe in human liberty— the basis of human responsibility— if you do not labour to over- throw all the obstacles that impede the first and destroy the second ? Why do we talk of fraternity, GOD. 31 while we alfew any of our brothers to be trampled on, degraded, or despised ? The earth is our workshop. We may not curse it; we are bound to sanctify it. The material forces that surround us are our instru- ments of labour. We may not reject them; we are bound to direct them for good. But this we cannot do alone, without God. I have spoken to you of duties; I have told you that the consciousness of your rights will never suffice you as a permanent guide on the path towards per- fection; it will not even suffice to procure for you the continuous progressive improvement in your condi- tion which you seek and desire. Now, apart from God, whence can you derive duty ? Without God, whatsoever system you attempt to lean upon, you will find it has no other foundation or basis than Force — blind, tyrannical, brute force. There is no escape from this. Either the development of human things depends upon a Providential Law, which we are all bound to seek to discover and apply, or it is left to chance, to passing circumstance, and to that man who contrives best to turn things to account. We must either obey God or serve man; whether one man or many, matters little. If there be not a governing Mind, supreme over every human mind, what shall preserve us from the dominion of our fellow-men whenever chey are stronger than ourselves ? If there be not one inviolable Law, uncreated by man, what rule have we by which to judge whether a given act be just or unjust ? 32 THE DUTIES OF MAN. In the name of whom, or of what, shall we protest against inequality and oppression ? Without God there is no other rule than that of Fact^ the accomplished fact, before which the mate- rialist ever bows his head, whether its name be Bona- parte or Revolution. How can we expect men to sacrifice themselves, or to suffer martyrdom in the name of our individual opinion ? Can we transform theory into practice, abstract principle into action, on the strength of interests alone ? Be not deceived. So long as we endeavour to teach sacrifice as individuals, or on whatever theory our mere individual intellect may suggest, we may find adherents in words, never in act. That cry only, which has resounded in all great and noble revolu- tions, the " God wills it^ God wills it^'' of the Crusad- ers, will have power to rouse the inert to action, to give courage to the timid, the enthusiasm of sacrifice to the calculating, and faith to those who distrust and reject all mere human ideas. Prove to mankind that the work of progressive devel- opment to which you would call them is a part of the design of God, and none will rebel. Prove to them that the earthly duties to be fulfilled here below are an essential portion of their immortal life, and all the calculations of the present will vanish before the grandeur of the future. Without God you may compel, but not persuade; you may become tyrants in your turn, you cannot be Educators or Apostles. CHAPTER III. THE LAW. You live. Therefore you have a law of life. There is no life without its law. Whatever thing exists, exists in a certain method, according to certain con- ditions, and is governed by a certain law. The mineral world is governed by a law of aggre- gation; the vegetable world by a law of development; the stars are ruled by a law of motion. Your life is governed by a lav/ higher and nobler than these, even as you are superior to all other created earthly things. To develop )^ourselves, and act and live according to your law, is your first, or rather your sole, duty. God gave you life; God therefore gave you the law. God is the sole Law-giver to the human race. His law is the sole law you are bound to obey. Human laws are only good and valid in so far as they conform to, explain, and apply the law of God. They are evil whensoever they contrast with or oppose it, and it is then not only your right but your duty to disobey and abolish them. He who shall best explain the law of God, and best apply it to human things, is your legitimate ruler. Love him and follow him. But you have not, and cannot have, any Master save God himself. To ac- cept any other is to be unfaithful and rebellious to Him. 3 34 '^HE DUTIES OF MAN. The foundation of all morality, therefore, the regu- lation of all your acts and duties, and the measure of your responsibility, is to be found in the knowl- edge of your law of life, of the law of God. It is also your defence against the unjust laws which the tyranny of one man, or many men, may seek to im- pose upon you. Unless you know this law,* you may not pretend to the name or the rights of men All rights have their origin in a law, and while you are unable to invoke this law, you may be tyrants or slaves — tyrants if you are strong, the slaves of the stronger if you are weak — but naught else. In order to be men^ you must know the law which distinguishes human nature from that of the animal, vegetable, and, mineral kingdoms, and to it you must conform your action. Now, how are you to know this law? This is the question which humanity has ever ad- dressed to those who have pronounced the word Duty, and the answers are various even yet. Some have replied by pointing to a code, or book, saying: *^ The whole law of morals is comprised in this book.'' Others have said: '^ Let every man interrogate his own conscience; he will find the definition of good and evil there.'" Others again, rejecting the judgment of the individual, invoke the universal judgment, and declare: '^ Whenever humanity is agreed in a beliefs that belief is the tritth.'' Each and all of these are in error. And facts, un- answerable in the history of the human race, have proved the impotence of all these answers. Those who declare that the whole moxdX law is con- THE LAW. 35 tained in a book, or uttered by one man, forget that there is no single code of morals which Humanity has not abandoned, after an acceptance and belief of some centuries, in order to seek after and diffuse another more advanced than it; nor is there any special reason for supposing that Humanity will alter its course now. It will be sufficient to remind those who declare the conscience of the individual to be an adequate criterion of the just and true, that no Religion, how- ever holy, Mias existed without heretics, dissenters who dissented from conviction, and were ready to endure martyrdom for their conscience sake. The Protestant world is at the present day divided and subdivided into a thousand sects, all founded on the right of individual conscience, all eager to make war on one another, and perpetuating that anarchy of beliefs which is the sole true cause of the social and political disturbances that torment the peoples of Europe. And on the other hand, to those who reject the testimony of individual conscience, and invoke the consent of Humanity in their faith, suffice it to say that all the great ideas that have contributed to the progress of Humanity hitherto were, at their commencement, in opposition to the belief then ac- cepted by Humanity, and were preached by individ- uals whom Humanity derided, persecuted, and cru- cified. Each of these rules, then, is insufficient in order to obtain a knowledge of the law of God, of Truth. Yet, nevertheless, individual conscience is sacred, and the common consent of Humanity is sacred; and he who refuses to interrogate either of these deprives 36 THE DUTIES OF MAN. himself of One essential means of reaching truth. The common error hitherto has been the endeavour to reach truth by the help of one of these tests alone; an error fatal and decisive in its consequences, be- cause it is impossible to elevate individual conscience as the sole judge of truth without falling into anarchy; and it is impossible to appeal, at a given moment, to the general consent of Humanity without crush- ing human liberty, and producing tyranny. Thus— and I quote these examples in order to show how, far more than is generally supposed, the entire social edifice is founded upon these primary bases — thus some men have fallen into the error of organizing soci- ety solely with respect to the rights of the individ- ual, wholly forgetful of the educational mission of soci- ety; v/hile others have based their organization solely on the rights of society, sacrificing the free action and liberty of the Individual. ^ France, after her great revolution, and (still more markedly) England, has taught us that the first sys- tem results in inequality and the oppression of the many. Communism, were it ever elevated into a Fact^ would teach us how the second condemns soci- ety to petrifaction, by destroying alike all motive and all opportunity of progress. Thus some, in consideration of the pretended rights of the individual, have organized, or rather disorganized, society by founding it upon the sole 1 I speak, of course, of those countries governed by a constitu- tional monarchy, and in which a certain organization of society is attempted. In countries despotically governed, there is no soci- ety; individual and social rights being equally sacrificed. THE LAW. 37 basis of unlimited freedom of competition; while others, merely regarding social unity, would give the government the monopoly of all the productive forces of the State. The first of these conceptions has resulted in all the evils of anarchy. The second would result in immobility and all the evils of tyranny. God has given you both the consent of your fellow- men and your own conscience, even as two wings wherewith to elevate yourselves towards Him. Why persist in cutting off one of them ? Wherefore either isolate yourselves from, or absorb yourselves in, the world ? Why seek to stifle either the voice of the individual, or of the human race ? Both are sacred. God speaks through each. Whensoever they agree ^ whensoever the cry of your own conscience is ratified by the consent of Humanity, God is there. Then you are certain of having found the truth, for the one is the verification of the other. If your duties were merely negative, if they merely consisted in not doing evil, in not injuring your brother-men, perhaps, even in the stage of develop- ment which the least educated among you have reached, the voice of conscience might suffice you for a guide. You are born with a tendency towards good, and every time you act directly contrary to the moral law, every time you commit what mankind has agreed to name sin, there is a something within you that condemns you, a cry of reproval which you may conceal from others, but cannot from yourselves. But your most important duties are positive. It is not enough not to do. You are bound to act. It is not enough to limit yourselves to not acting against 38 THE DUTIES OF MAN. the Law : you are bound to act according to the Law. It is not enough not to do harm to your brethren: you are bound to do good to them. Hitherto morality has too often been presented to mankind in a form rather negative than affirmative. The inter- preters of the law have said to us: ^^Thou shalt not kill; thou shalt not steal." Few or none have taught us the active duties of man, how he may be useful to his fellow-creatures and further the design of God in the creation. Yet this is the primary aim in morals, and no individual can reach that aim by the light of conscience alone. Individual conscience speaks in proportion to the education, tendencies, habits, and passions of the individual. The conscience of the Iroquois speaks a different language to that of the enlightened Euro- pean of the nineteenth century. The conscience of the freeman suggests duties which the conscience of the slave does not even imagine. Ask the poor Lom- bard or Neapolitan peasant, whose only teacher of morality has been a bad priest, or to whom — even if he know how to read — the Austrian catechism is the sole book allowed, he will perhaps tell you that his sole duties are to work hard for any remuneration he can obtain in order to maintain his family, to sub- mit without examination to the laws of the State, whatsoever they may be, and to do no wrong to others. Should you say to him: '^ But you injure your brother-men by accepting a remuneration below the value of your labor y and you sin against God and your own soul by obeying laws which are unjicst^'' he will answer you with the fixed gaze of one who understands you not. Interrogate the Italian workman, to whom more THE LAW. 39 fortunate circumstances and contact with men of greater intellectual enlightenment have made known a portion of the truth, he will tell you that his country is enslaved, that his brothers are unjustly condemned to pass their days in moral and material want, and that he feels it his duty to protest as far as he can against the injustice. Whence this great difference between the dictates of the conscience of two individuals at the same epoch in the same country ? Wherefore, among ten individuals, belonging substantially to the same religious belief — that which decrees the development and progress of the human race — do we find ten dif- ferent opinions as to the mode of reducing that belief to action — that is to say, as to their duties ? Evidently, the voice of individual conscience does not suffice at all times, without any other guide, to make known to us the law. Conscience alone may teach us that a law exists ; it cannot teach us the duties thence derived. Thus it is that martyrdom has never been extinguished amongst mankind, how- ever great the predominance of selfishness ; but how many martyrs have sacrificed their existence for imaginary duties, or for errors patent to all of us at the present day ! Conscience, therefore, has need of a guide, of a torch to illumine the darkness by which it is sur- rounded, of a rule by which to direct and verify its instincts. This rule is the Intellect of Humanity. God has given intellect to each of you in order that you may educate it to know His Law. At the present day you are deprived by poverty, and the inveterate 40 THE DUTIES OF MAN. error of ages, of the possibility of full education, and, therefore^ the obstacles to education are the first you have to overcome. But even were all these obstacles removed, the intellect of the individual man would still be insufficient to acquire a knowledge of the law of God, unless aided and supported by the intellect of Humanity. Your life is brief, your individual fac- ulties weak and uncertain; they need alike verification and support. Now God has placed beside you a Be- ing whose life is continuous, whose faculties are the results and sum of all the individual faculties that have existed for perhaps four hundred ages; a Being who, in the midst of the errors and crimes of individ- uals, yet ever advances in wisdom and morality; a Being in whose development and progress God has inscribed, and from epoch to epoch does still inscribe, a line of His law. This Being is Humanity. A thinker of the past century has described Human- ity as A man who lives and learns forever. Individuals die, but the amount of truth they have thought, and the sum of good they have done, dies not with them. The men who pass over their graves reap the benefit thereof, and Humanity garners it up. Each of us is born to-day in an atmosphere of ideas and beliefs which has been elaborated by all anterior Humanity, and each of us brings with him (even if unconsciously) an element, more or less important, of the life of Humanity to come. The education of Humanity is built up like those Eastern pyramids to which every passing traveller adds a stone. We pass along, the voyagers of the day, destined to complete our individual education elsewhere, but the education THE LAW. 41 of Humanity, which is seen by glimpses in each of us, is slowly, progressively, and continuously evolved through Humanity. Humanity is the Word, living in God. The Spirit of God fecundates it, and manifests itself through it in greater purity and activity from epoch to epoch, now through the instrumentality of an individual, now through that of a people. From labour to labour, from belief to belief, Humanity gradually acquires a clearer perception of its own life, of its own mission, of its God, and of His law. Humanity is the successive incarnation of God. The law of God is one, as God Himself is one ; but we only discover it article by article, line byline, accord- ing to the accumulated experience of the generations that have preceded us, and according to the exten- sion and increased intensity of association among races, peoples, and individuals. No man, no people, and no age may pretend to have discovered the whole of the Law. The Moral Law, Humanity's Law of Life, can only be discovered, in its entirety, by all Humanity, united in holy association, when all the forces and all the faculties that constitute our human nature shall be developed and in action. But mean- while that portion of Humanity most advanced in education does, in its progress and development, reveal to us a portion of the Law we seek to know. Its history teaches us the design of God; its wants teach us our duties; because our first duty is to endeavor to aid the ascent of Humanity upon that stage of education and improvement towards which it has been prepared and matured by time and the Divinity, 42 THE DUTIES OF MAN. In order, therefore, to know the Law of God, you must interrogate not only your own conscience, but also the conscience and consent of Humanity. In order to know your own duties you must interrogate the present wants of Humanity. Morality is pro- gressive, as is your education and that of the human race. The morality of Christianity was different from that of Paganism; the morality of our own age dif- fers from the morality of eighteen hundred years ago. Be assured that without education you cannot know your duties, and that whenever society pre- vents you from obtaining education, the responsibil- ity of your error rests upon society, not upon you; your responsibility begins on the day in which a path to instruction is opened to you, and you neglect to pursue it; on the day in which the means are offered to you by which to transform the society which has too long condemned you to ignorance, and you neg- lect to seize them. You are not guilty because you are ignorant, but you are guilty when you resign yourselves to ignorance. You are guilty whenever — although your conscience whispers that God did not give you faculties without imposing upon you the duty of developing them — you allow the faculty of reflection to lie dormant within you; whenever — al- though you know that God would not have given.you a love of truth without giving you the means by which to attain it — you yet despairingly renounce every effort to discover it, and accept as truth, with- out examination, the assertions either of the temporal powers or of the priest who has sold himself to them. THE LAW. 43 God, the Father and Educator of Htunanity^ reveals his Law to Humanity through time and space. Inter- rogate the tradition of Humanity — which is the Coun- cil of your brother-men — not in the restricted circle of an age or sect, but in all ages, and in the majority of mankind past and present. Whensoever the con- sent of Hmnanity corresponds with the teachings of your own conscience^ you are certain of the Truth — certain, that is, of having read one line of the law of God. / believe in Humanity^ sole interpreter of the Law of God on earth, and from the consent of Humanity, in harmony with my individual conscience, I deduce what 1 am now about to tell you with regard to your duties. CHAPTER IV. DUTIES TOWARDS HUMANITY. Your first duties — first, not as to time, but as to importance, because, unless you understand these, you can only imperfectly fulfill the rest — your first duties are towards Humanity. You have duties as citizens, as sons, as husbands, and as fathers; duties sacred and inviolable, and of which I shall shortly speak to you in detail; but that which constitutes the sacredness and inviolability of these duties is the mission, the duty, springing from yonv Hmnan nature. You are fathers in order that you may educate men in the worship and fulfillment of the Law of God. You are citizens, you have a country, in order that in a given and limited sphere of action, the concourse and assistance of a certain number of men, already related to you by language, tendencies, and customs, may enable you to labour more effectually for the good of all men present and to come: a task in which your solitary effort would be lost, falling powerless and unheeded amid the immense multitude of your fellow-beings. They who p)retend to teach you morality while limiting your duties to those you owe to your famnly and to your country, do but teach you a more or less enlarged selfishness, tending to the injury of others and to yourself. The Family and the Fatherland are DUTIES TOWARDS HUMANITY. 45 like two circles, drawn within a larger circle which contains both; they are two steps of the ladder you have to climb; without them your ascent is impossi- ble, but upon them it is forbidden to rest. You are men : that is to say, creatures capable of rational, social, and intellectual progress, solely through the medium of association : a progress to which none may assign a limit. This is all we as yet know with regard to the law of the life of Humanity. These characteristics con- stitute human nature; these characteristics distinguish you from the different creatures that surround you, and are given to each of you as the germ you are bound to fructify. Your whole life should tend to the organized development and exercise of these faculties of your nature. Whensoever you suppress, or allow to be suppressed, one of these faculties, whether completely or partially, you descend from the rank of men to that of the inferior animals, and violate your law of life, the Law of God. You de- scend to the lever of the brute whenever you sup- press, or allow to be suppressed, any of the faculties that constitute human nature either in yourselves or others. God wills that you shall fulfill His law not as individuals alone. Had He intended this. He would have Created you solitary. He wills that the Law be fulfilled over the whole earth, among all the creatures He created after His own image. He wills that the Divine Idea of perfectibility and love which He has incarnated in the world, shall be revealed in ever-increasing brightness, and worshipped through Us gradual realization by His creatures. In your terrestrial existence, limited both in educa- 46 THE DUTIES OF MAN. tion and capacity, the realization of this Divine Idea can only be most imperfect and momentary. Hu- manity only — continuous in existence through the passing generations, continuous in intellect through the contributions of all its members — is capable of gradually evolving, applying, and glorifying the Divine Idea. Life, therefore, was given to you by God in order that you might employ that life for the benefit of Humanity ; that you might direct your individual faculties to aid the development of the faculties of your brother-men, and contribute by your labour another element to the collective work of Progress, and the discovery of the truth, which the generations are destined slowly but unceasingly to promote. Your duty is to educate yourselves, and to educate others ; to strive to perfect yourselves and to perfect others. It is true that God lives within you, but God lives in all the men by whom the earth is peopled. God is in the life of all the generations that have been, are, and are to be. Past generations have pro- gressively improved, and coming generations will contin-ue to improve, the conception which Humanity forms of Him, of His Law, and of our duties. You are bound to adore Him and to glorify Him whereso- ever He manifests His presence. The Universe is His Temple, and the sin of every unresisted or unex- piated profanation of the Temple weighs on the head of each and all of the Believers. It is of no avail to assert your own purity, even were true purity possible in isolation. Whensoever you see corruption by your side, and do not strive DUTIES TOWARDS HUMANITY. 47 against it, you betray your duty. It is of no avail that you worship truth ; if you see your brother-men ruled by error in some portion of the earth — our common mother — and you do not both desire and endeavour, so far as lies in your power, to overcome that error, you betray your duty. The image of God is disfigured in the immortal souls of your fellow-men. God wills to be adored through His Law, and His Law is violated and mis- interpreted around you. Human nature is falsified in the millions of men to whom, even as to you, God h'as confided the associate fulfillment of His design. And do you dare to call yourselves believers while you remain inert ? A People — Greek, Pole, Italian, Circassian — raises the flag of country and independence, and combats, conquers, or dies to defend it. What is it that causes your hearts to beat at the news of those battles, that makes them swell with joy at their victories, and sink with sorrow at their defeats? A man — it may be a foreigner in some remote corner of the world — arises, and, amidst the universal silence, gives utterance to certain ideas which he believes to be true; maintains them through persecution, and in chains, or dies upon the scaffold, and denies them not. Wherefore do you honor that man and call him saint and martyr? Why do you respect, and teach your children to re- spect, his memory? Why do you read so eagerly the prodigies of patriotism registered in Grecian history, and relate them to your children with^ a sense of pride, as if they belonged to the history of your an- cestors ? These deeds of Greece are two thousand years old. 48 THE DUTIES OF MAN. and belong to an epoch of civilization which is not, and never can be, yours. These men whom 3^ou still call martyrs, perhaps died for a faith which is not yours, and certainly their death cut short their every hope of individual progress on earth. That people whom you admire, in its victories or in its fall, is a foreign people, almost unknown to you and speaking a strange tongue. Their way of life has no influence on yours. What matters it, then, to you whether they be ruled by Pope or Sultan, by the King of Bavaria, the Czar of Russia, or a free government sprung from the consent of the nation? It is that there is in your heart a voice that cries unto you: " Those men of two thousand years ago, those populations now fighting afar off, that martyr for an idea for which you would not die, are your brothers; brothers not only in community of origin and of nature, but in community of labor and of aim. Those Greeks passed away, but their deeds remained; and were it not for them, you would not have reached your present degree of moral and intellectual develop- ment. Those populations consecrate with their blood an idea of national liberty for which you too would combat. That martyr proclaimed by his death that man is bound to sacrifice all things, and, if need be, life itself, for that which he believes to be truth. What matters it that he, and all of those who thus seal their faith with their blood, cut short their indi- vidual progress on earth? God will provide for them elsewhere. JBut it is of import that the coming generation, taught by your struggle and your sacri- fice, may arise stronger and nobler than you have been, in fuller comprehension of the Law, in greater DUTIES TOWARDS HUMANITY. 49 adoration of the truth. It is of import that human nature, fortified by these examples, may improve, de- velop, and realize still further the Design of God on earth, and wheresoever human nature shall improve or develop, wheresoever a new truth be discovered, wheresoever a step be taken on the path of educa- tion, progress, and morality, that step taken, and that truth discovered, will sooner or later benefit all Hu- manity. " You are all soldiers in one army, an army which is advancing by different paths, and divided into different corps, to the conquest of one sole aim. As yet you only look to your immediate leaders; diver- sity of uniform and of watchword, the distances which separate the different bodies of troops, and the mountains that conceal them one from another, fre- quently cause you to forget this great truth, and con- centrate your thoughts exclusively on your own im- mediate goal. But there is One above you who sees the whole and directs all your movements. God alone has the plan of the battle, and He at length will unite you in a single camp, beneath a single ban- ner." How great is the distance between this faith, which thrills within our souls, and which will be the basis of the morality of the coming epoch, and the faith that was the basis of the morality of the generations of what we term antiquity 1 And how intimate is the connection between the idea we form of the Divine Government and that we form of our own duties ! The first men felt God, but without comprehend- ing or even seeking to comprehend Him or His law. They felt Him in His power, not in His love. They 4 50 THE DUTIES OF MAN. conceived a confused idea of some sort of relation between Him and their own individuality, but noth- ing beyond this. Able to withdraw themselves but little from the sphere of visible objects, they sought to incarnate Him in one of these : in the tree they had seen struck by the thunderbolt, the rock beside which they had raised their tent, the animal which first presented itself before them. This was the wor- ship which, in the history of Religions, is termed Fetichism. In those days men comprehended nothing beyond the Family^ the reproduction in a certain form of their own individuality; all beyond the family circle were strangers, or more often enemies; to aid them- selves and their families was to them the sole founda- tion of morality. In later days the idea of God was enlarged. From visible objects men timidly raised their thoughts to abstractions; they learned to generalize. God was no longer regarded as the Protector of the family only, but of the association of many families, of the cities, of the peoples. Thus to fetichism succeeded poly- theism — the worship of many gods. The sphere of . action of morality was also enlarged. Men recog- nized the existence of more extended duties than those due to the family alone; they strove for the advancement of thQ people, of the nation. Yet, never- theless. Humanity was still ignored. Each nation > stigmatized foreigners as barbarians, regarded them as such, and endeavoured to conquer or oppress them by force or fraud. Each nation also contained foreigners or barbarians within its own circle; mill- ions of men not admitted to join in the religious DUTIES TOWARDS HUMANITY. 5 1 rites of the citizens, and believed to be of an inferior nature: slaves among free men. The idea of the Unity of the human race could only be conceived as a consequence of the Unity of God. And the Unity of God, though forefelt by a few rare thinkers of antiquity, and openly declared by Moses (but with the fatal defect of believing one sole people His elect) was not a recognized creed until towards the end of the Roman Empire, and through the teachings of Christianity. Foremost and grandest amid the teachings of Christ, were these two inseparable truths — There is hut one God; All men are the Sons of God; and the promulgation of these two truths changed the face of the world, and enlarged the moral circle to the con- fines of the inhabited globe. To the duties of men towards the Family and Country were added duties towards Humanity. Man then learned that whereso- ever there existed a human being, there existed a brother; a brother with a soul as immortal as his own, destined like himself to ascend towards the Creator, and on whom he was bound to bestow love, a knowl- edge of the faith, and help and counsel when needed. Then did the Apostles utter words of sublime im- port, in prevision of those great truths of which the germ was contained in Christianity; truths which have been misunderstood or betrayed by their suc- cessors. '* For as we have many members in one body, and all members have not the same office; so we, being many, are one body in Christ, and every one members 07ie of another'' (St. Paul, Rom., xii. 4. 5.) ^^ And other sheep I have, which are not of this fold; them also I must bring, and they shall hear my voice; and 52 THE DUTIES OF MAN. there shall be one fold and one shepherd'^ (St. John, X. i6.) And at the present day, after eighteen hundred years of labour, study, and experience, we have yet to develop these germs, we have yet to apply these truths, not only to each individual, but to all that complex sum of human forces and faculties, present and future, which is named Humanity. We have yet to teach mankind not only that Humanity is one Sole Being, and must be governed by one sole law, but that the first article of the law is Progress; — progress here, on this earth, where we are bound to realize, as far as in us lies, the design of God, and educate our- selves for higher destinies. We have still to teach mankind that as Humanity is one sole body, all we, being members of that body, are bound to labour for its development, and to seek to render its life more harmonious, vigourous, and active. We have still to be convinced that we can only elevate ourselves towards God through the souls of our fellow-men, and that it is our duty to improve and purify them, even though they seek not such im- provement and purification. And we have still — since only , by entire Humanity can the design of God be fully accomplished here below — we have still to substitute a work of association tending to elevate the mass, for the exercise of charity towards individuals, and to organize both the family and the country to that aim. Other and vaster duties will be revealed to us in the future, in proportion as we acquire a clearer and less imperfect conception of our law of life. Thus does God the Father, by means of a slow, but DUTIES TOWARDS HUMANITY. 53 uninterrupted, religious education, direct the advance of Humanity, and our individual improvement corre- sponds with that advance. Our individual improvement corresponds with that advance; nor, without the advance and improvement of the whole, may you hope for any lasting improve- ment in your moral and material individual condi- tion. Strictly speaking, you cannot, even if you would, separate your life from that of Humanity. You live in it, by it, and for it. Your souls — with the exception of certain men of extraordinary power — cannot rid themselves of the influence of the elements amongst which they move; even as your bodies, however robust, cannot rid themselves of the effects of the corrupt air by which they are sur- rounded. How many are there among you, who, knowing that they thereby expose them to persecu- tion, yet strive to educate your children to absolute truthfulness, in a society where ignorance or preju- dice enforces silence or concealment of two-thirds of their opinions ? How many of you strive to teach them to despise wealth in a society wherein gold is the sole power that obtains respect, influence, and honor ? What mother is there among you, who, although belonging to that faith which adores in Christ the voluntary martyr for Humanity, yet would not throw her arms round her son's neck, and seek to , wean him from all perilous endeavour to benefit his brother-men ? And even should you have strength to teach the better lesson, would not all society, with its thousand tongues and thousands of evil examples, destroy the effect of your v/ords ? Can you purify and exalt your 54 THE DUTIES OF MAN. own' souls in an atmosphere of morai degradation and contagion ? or — to descend to your material con- dition — think you it can be duly ameliorated, unless by the amelioration of all ? Here in England, where I now write, millions of pounds sterling are annually bestowed in private charity for the relief of individual misery; yet that misery annually increases, and private charity is proved impotent to meet the evil, and the necessity of collective organic remedies is ever more univers- ally acknowledged. And in countries despotically governed, where taxes and restrictions are imposed at the sole caprice of the ruler, the cost of whose armies, spies, agents, and pensioners is continually increasing as the necessity of providing for the safety of the despotism increases, think you that a con- stant activity and development of industry and manu- factures is possible? Think you that it will suffice to improve the government and social condition of your own country? No; it will not suffice. No nation lives exclusively on its own produce at the present day. You live by exchanges, by importation and ex- portation. A foreign nation impoverished, and in which the number of consumers is diminished, is one market the less for you. A foreign commerce ruined in consequence of evil administration, produces mis- chief and crises in your own. Failures in America and elsewhere, entail failures in England. Credit now-a-days is no longer a national but a European institution. Moreover, all other governments will be hostile to your national improvements, for there is an alliance among the princes, who were among the first to un- DUTIES TOWARDS HUMANITY. 55 derstand that the socia.. question has become a gene- ral question at the present day. The only lasting hope for you is in the general amelioration, improvement, and fraternity of all the peoples of Europe, and, through Europe, of Humanity. Therefore, my brothers, in the name of your duty, and for the sake of your interest, never forget that your first duties- — duties, without fulfilling which you cannot rightly fulfill those towards your country and family — are those towards Humanity. Let your words and your actions be for all men, as God is^ for all men in His Law and Love. In whatso- ever land you live, wheresoever there arises a man to combat for the right, the just, and the true, that man is your brother. Wheresoever a man is tortured through error, injustice, or tyranny, that man is your brother. Free men or slaves, you are all brothers. You are one in origin, one in the Divine Law that gov- erns you, and one in the goal you are destined to at- tain. Your faith must be one, your actions one, and one the banner under which you combat. Say not, T/ie language we speak is different. Acts, tears, and martyrdom are a language common to all men, and which all understand. Say not. Humanity is too vast, and we are too weak. God does not judge the power, but the intention. Love Humanity. Ask yourselves as to every act you commit within the circle of family or country, *'7/ what I now do were done by and for all men, would it be beneficial or injurious to Humanity ? " And if your conscience tells you it would be injuri- ous, desist; desist, even though it seem that an im- mediate advantage to your country or family would be the result. 56 THE DUTIES OF MAN. Be you the Apostles of this faith: apostles of the fraternity of nations, and of that unity of the human race, which, though it be admitted in principle, is de- nied in practice at the present day. Be such, where- soever, and howsoever you are able. Neither God nor man can require more of you than this. But I tell you that by becoming such, and even — should more be impossible — by becoming such to yourselves alone, you will yet serve Humanity. God measures the stages of education, He permits the human race to ascend, by the number and the purity of the be- lievers. When the pure among you are many, God, who numbers you, will disclose to you the way to action. CHAPTER V. DUTIES TOWARDS YOUR COUNTRY. 1858. Your first duties — first as regards importance — are, as I have already told you, towards Humanity. You are men before you are either citizens or lathers. If you do not embrace the whole human family in your affection; if you do not bear witness to your belief in the Unity of that family, consequent upon the Unity of God, and in that fraternity among the peoples which is destined to reduce that Unity to action; if, wheresoever a fellow-creature suffers, or the dignity of human nature is violated by falsehood or tyranny — you are not ready, if able, to aid the unhappy, and do not feel called upon to combat, if able, for the redemption of the betrayed and oppressed — you violate your law of life, you compre- hend not that Religion which will be the guide and blessing of the future. But what can each of you, singly, do for the moral improvement and progress of Humanity? You can from time to time give sterile utterance to your belief; you may, on some rare occasions, perform some act of charity towards a brother-man not belong- ing to your own land — no more. But charity is not the watchword of the Faith of the Future. The watchword of the faith of the future is Association and fraternal cooperation towards a common aim; 58 THE DUTIES OF MAN. and this is far superior to all charity, as the edifice which all of you should unite to raise would be supe- rior to the humble hut each one of you might build alone, or with the mere assistance of lending and borrowing stone, mortar, and tools. But, you tell me, 3^ou cannot attempt united action, distinct and divided as you are in language, customs, tendencies, and capacity. The individual is too insig- nificant, and Humanity too vast. The mariner of Brittany prays to God as he puts to sea; Help me^ my God! my boat is so small and Thy ocean so wide ! " And this prayer is the true expression of the con- dition of each one of you, until you find the means of infinitely multiplying your forces and powers of action. This means was provided for you by God when He gave you a country ; when, even as a wise overseer of labour distributes the various branches of employment according to the different capacities of the workmen, he divided Humanity into distinct groups or nuclei upon the face of the earth, thus creating the germ of nationalities. Evil governments have disfigured the Divine design. Nevertheless you may still trace it, distinctly marked out — at least as far as Europe is concerned — by the course of the great rivers, the di- rection of the higher mountains, and other geograph- ical conditions. They have disfigured it by their conquests, their greed, and their jealousy even of the righteous power of others; disfigured it so far that, if we except England and France, there is not perhaps a single country whose present boundaries correspond to that design. These governments did not, and do not, recognize DUTIES TOWARDS YOUR COUNTRY. 59 any country save their own families or dynasty, the egoism of caste. But the Divine design will infalli- bly be realized; natural divisions and the spontane- ous, innate tendencies of the peoples will take the place of the arbitrary divisions, sanctioned by evil governments. The map of Europe will be redrawn. The countries of the peoples, defined by the vote of free men, will arise upon the ruins of the coun- tries of kings and privileged castes, and between these countries harmony and fraternity will exist. And the common work of Humanity, of general ameli- oration, and the gradual discovery and application of its Law of life, being distributed according to local and general capacities, will be wrought out in peace- ful and progressive development and advance. Then may each one of you, fortified by the power and affection of many millions, all speaking the same language, gifted with the same tendencies, and edu- cated by the same historical tradition, hope even by your own single efforts to be able to benefit all Humanity. O, my brothers, love your Country ! Our country is our Home, a house God has given us, placing therein a numerous family that loves us, and whom we love; a family with whom we sympathize more readily and whom we understand more quickly than we do others; and which, from its being centred round a given spot, and from the homogeneous nature of its elements, is adapted to a special branch of activity. Our Country is our common workshop, whence the products of our activity are sent forth for the benefit of the whole world; wherein the tools and implements of labour we can most usefully 6o THE DUTIES OF MAN. employ are gathered together; nor may we reject them without disobeying the plan of the Almighty, and diminishing our own strength. In labouring for our own country on the right prin- ciple, we labour for Humanity. Our country is the fulcrum of the lever we have to wield for the com- mon good. If we abandon the fulcrum, we run the risk of rendering ourselves useless not only to Humanity but to our country itself. Before men can associate with the nations of which Humanity is composed, they must have a national existence. There is no true association except am.ong equals. It is only through our country that we can have a recognized collective existence. Humanity is a vast army advancing to the con- quest of lands unknown, against enemies both pow- erful and astute. The peoples are the different corps, the divisions of that army. Each of them has its post assigned to it, and its special operation to exe- cute; and the common victory depends upon the ex- actitude with which those distinct operations are ful- filled. Disturb not the order of battle. Forsake not the banner given to you by God. Wheresoever you may be, in the centre of whatsoever people circum- stances may have placed you, be ever ready to com- bat for the liberty of that people, should it be neces- sary, but combat in such wise that the blood you shed may reflect glory, not on yourself alone, but on your country. Say not /, but We. Let each man among you strive to incarnate his country in himself. Let each man among you regard himself as a guarantor, responsible for his fellow-countrymen, and learn so to govern his actions as to cause his country to be loved and re- DUTIES TOWARDS YOUR COUNTRY. 6l spected through him. Your country is the sign of the Mission God has given you to fulfill towards Humanity. The faculties and forces of all her sons should be associated in the accomplishment of that mission. The true country is a community of free men and equals, bound together in fraternal concord to labour towards a common aim. You are bound to make it and to maintain it such. The country is not an aggregation^ but an association. There is, therefore, no true country without a uniform right. There is no true country where the uniformity of that right is violated by the existence of caste privilege and in- equality. Where the activity of a portion of the powers and faculties of the individual is either can- celled or dormant; where there is not a common Principle, recognized, accepted, and developed by all, there is no true Nation, no People; but only a mul- titude, a fortuitous agglomeration of men whom cir- cumstances have called together and whom cir- cumstances may again divide. In the name of the love you bear your country, you must peacefully but untiringly combat the existence of privilege and in- equality in the land that gave you life. There is but one sole legitimate privilege, the privi- lege of Genius when it reveals itself united with vir- tue. But this is a privilege given by God, and when you acknowledge it, and follow its inspiration, you do so freely, exercising your own reason and your own choice. Every privilege which demands submission from you in virtue of power, inheritance, or any other right than the Right common to all, is a usurpation and a tyranny which you are bound to resist and destroy. 62 THE DUTIES OF MAN. Be your country your Temple: God at the sum- mit; a people of equals at the base. Accept no other formula, no other moral law, if you would not dishonour alike your country and your- selves. Let all secondary laws be but the gradual regulation of your existence by the progressive appli- cation of this Supreme law. And in order that they may be such, it is necessary that a// of you should aid in framing them. Laws framed only by a single fraction of the citizens, can never, in the very nature of things, be other than the mere expression of the thoughts, aspirations, and desires of that frac- tion; the representation, not of the country, but of a third or fourth part, of a class or zone of the country. The laws should be the expression of the universal aspiration, and promote the universal good. They should be a pulsation of the heart of the nation. The entire nation should, either directly or indirectly, legislate. By yielding up this mission into the hands of a a few, you substitute the selfishness of one class for the Country, which is the union of all classes. Country is not only a mere zone of territory. The true Country is the Idea to which it gives birth; it is the Thought of love, the sense of communion which unites in one all the sons of that territory. So long as a single one amongst your brothers has no vote to represent him in the development of the national life, so long as there is one left to vegetate in ignorance where others are educated, so long as a single man, able and willing to work, languishes in poverty through want of work to do, you have no DUTIES TOWARDS YOUR COUNTRY. 6;^ country in the sense in which Country ought to exist — the country of all and for all. Education, labour, and the franchise, are the three main pillars of the Nation; rest not until you have built them thoroughly up with your own labour and exertions. Be it yours to evolve the life of your country in loveliness and strength; free from all servile fears or sceptical doubts; maintaining as its basis the People; as its guide the principles of its Religious Faith, logically and energetically applied; its strength, the united strength of all; its aim, the fulfillment of the mission given to it by God. And so long as you are ready to die for Humanity,^ the life of your country will be immortal. CHAPTER VI. DUTIES TOWARDS THE FAMILY. The Family is the Heart's Fatherland. There is in the Family an Angel, possessed of a mysterious influence of grace, sweetness, love; an Angel who renders our duties less arid and our sorrows less bitter. The only pure and unalloyed happiness, the only joys untainted by grief granted to man on this earth are — thanks be given to this Angel ! — the happi- ness and joys of the family. He who, from some fatality of position, has been unable to live the calm life of the Family, sheltered beneath this Angel's wing, has a shadow of sadness cast over his soul, and a void in his heart which naught can fill, as I, who write these pages for you, know. Bless the God who created this Angel, O you who share the joys and consolations of the Family ! Hold them not in light esteem, because you fancy you might find more ardent pleasures and more facile consolations elsewhere. There is in the family an element rarely found elsewhere — the element of dura- bility. Family affections wind themselves round your heart slowly and all unobserved; but tenacious and enduring as the ivy round the tree, they cling to you hour by hour, mingling with and becoming a portion of your very existence. Very often you DUTIES TOWARDS THE FAMILY. 65 are unconscious of them, because they are a part of yourselves; but when once you lose them, you feel as if an intimate and necessary portion of your life were gone. You wander restless and unhappy; it may be that you again succeed in find- ing some brief delights and consolations, but never the supreme cons.^lation of calm; the calm of the waters of the lake, the calm of trusting sleep, a re- pose like that of the child on its mother's breast. This Angel of the family is woman. Whether as mother, wife, or sister, woman is the caress of exist- ence, the soft sweetness of affection diffused over its fatigues, a reflection in the individual of that loving Providence which watches over Humanity. She has in her a treasure of gentle consolation sufficient to soothe every sorrow. Moreover, she is for each of us the Initiatrix of the future. The child learns its first lesson of love from its mother's kiss. In the first sacred kiss of the beloved one, man learns the lesson of hope and faith in life, and hope and faith create that yearning after progress, and that power to achieve it step by step — tliat/^///^r^, in short — whose living symbol is the infant, our link with the genera- tions to come. It is through woman that the family — with its Divine mystery of reproduction — points to Eternity. Hold, then, the family sacred, my brothers ! Look upon it as one of the indestructible conditions of life, and reject every attempt made to undermine it, either by men imbued with a false and brutish phil- osophy, or by shallow thinkers, who, irritated at see- ingit too often made the nursery of selfishness and the spirit of caste, imagine, like the savage, that the sole 5 66 THE DUTIES OF MAN. remedy for this evil growth, is the destruction of the tree itself. The conception of the family is not human, but Divine, and no human power can extinguish it. Like the Fatherland — even more than the Fatherland— the family is an element of existence. I have said, even more than the Fatherland. Dis- tinctions of country — sacred now — may possibly dis- appear whenever man shall bear the moral law of Humanity inscribed upon his own heart, but the family will endure while man himself endures. It is the cradle of Humanity. Like every other element of human life, it is, of course, susceptible of progress, and from epoch to epoch its tendencies and aspira- tions are improved, but it can never be cancelled. Your mission is evermore to sanctify the family, and to link it ever more closely with the country. That which the country is to Humanity, the family must be to the country. Even as the scope and object of our love of country is, as I have told you, to educate you as meii^ so the scope and object of the family is to educate you as citizens. The family and the country are the two extreme points of one and the same line. And wheresoever this is not the case the family degenerates into selfishness, a selfishness the more odious and brutal, inasmuch as it prostitutes and perverts from their true aim the most sacred things that be — our affections. Love and respect woman. See in her not merely a comfort, but a force, an inspiration, the redoubling of your intellectual and moral faculties. Cancel from your minds every idea of superiority over woman. You have none whatsoever. DUTIES TOWARDS THE FAMILY. 67 Long prejudice, an inferior education, and a peren- nial legal inequality and injustice, have created that apparent intellectual inferiority which has been con- verted into an argument for continued oppression. But does not the history of every oppression teach us how the oppressor ever seeks his justification and support by appealing to a fact of his own creation ? The feudal castes that withheld education from the sons of the people, excluded them, on the grounds of that very want of education, from the rights of the citi- zen, from the sanctuary wherein laws are framed, and from that right to vote which is the initiation of their social mission. The slaveholders of America declare the black race radically inferior and incapable of education, and yet persecute those who seek to in- struct them. For half a century the supporters of the reigning families in Italy have declared the Italians unfit for freedom, and meanwhile, by their laws, and by the brute force of hireling armies, they close every path through which we might overcome the obstacles to our improvement, where such really exist, as if tyranny could ever be a means of educat- ing men for liberty. Now, we men have ever been, and still are, guilty of a similar crime towards woman. Avoid even the shadow or semblance of this crime; there is none heavier in the sight of God, for it divides the human family into two classes, and imposes or accepts the subjugation of one class to the other. In th6 sight of God the Father there is neither man or woman. There is only the Auman dei'ng, that bQing in whom, whether the form be of male or female, those characteristics which distinguish Humanity 68 THE DUTIES OF MAN. from the brute creation are united, namely: the social tendency, and the capacity of education and progress. Wheresoever these characteristics exist, the human nature is revealed, and thence perfect equality both of rights and of duties. Like two distinct branches springing from the same trunk, man and woman are varieties springing from the common basis — Humanity. There is no in- equality between them, but, even as is often the case among men, diversity of tendency and of special vocation. Are two notes of the same musical chord unequal or of different nature? Man and woman are the two notes without which the Human chord is im- possible. Suppose two peoples, one of which is called by circumstances and by special tendencies to the mis- sion of diffusing the idea of human association by means of colonization, and the other to teach that idea by the production of universally admired liter- ature and art; are their general rights and duties therefore different? Both of these people are, con- sciously or unconsciously, Apostles of the same Divine Idea, equals and brothers in that idea. Man and Woman, even as these two peoples, fulfill different functions in Humanity, but these functions are equally sacred, equally manifestations of that Thought of God which He has made the soul of the universe. Consider woman, therefore, as the partner and companion, not merely of your joys and sorrows, but of your thoughts, your aspirations, your studies and your endeavours after social amelioration. Consider DUTIES TOWARDS THE FAMILY. 69 her your equal in your civil and political life. Be ye the two human wings that lift the soul towards the Ideal we are destined to attain. The Mosaic Bible has declared: God created man^ and woman from man; but your Bible, the Bible of the Future, will proclaim that God created Humanity^ 7nade 7na7iifest in the woman and the man. Love the children given to you by God, but love them with a true, deep, and earnest affection; not with the enervated, blind, unreasonable love, which is but selfishness in you, and ruin to them. In the name of all that is most sacred, never forget that through them you have in charge the future genera- tions; that towards them, as souls confided to your keeping, towards Humanity, and before God, you are under the heaviest responsibility known to mankind. You are bound to instruct your children, not merely in the joys and desires of life, but in life itself; in its duties, and in its moral law of government. Few mothers, few fathers, in this irreligious age — and especially in the wealthier classes — understand the true gravity of their educational mission. Few mothers, few fathers, remember that the numerous victims, the incessant struggles, and the life-long martyrdoms of our day, are in a great measure the fruit of the selfishness instilled thirty years back by the weak mothers and heedless fathers who allowed their children to accustom themselves to regard life, not as a mission and a duty, but as a search after happiness and a study of their own well-being. For you, the sons of labour, these dangers are less; the greater number of you know only too well what it is to live the life of privation. But, compelled by your 70 THE DUTIES OF MAN. inferior social position to constant toil, you are also less able to bestow upon your children a fitting edu- cation. Nevertheless, even you can in part fulfill your arduous mission, both by word and by example. You can do it by example. " Your children will resemble you, and become cor- rupt or virtuous in proportion as you are yourself corrupt or virtuous. How shall they become honest, charitable, and humane, if you are without charity for .your brothers ? How shall they restrain their grosser appetites, if they see you given up to intemperance ? How shall they preserve their native innocence, if you shrink not from offending their modesty by indecent act or obscene word ? You are the living model by which their pliant nature is fashioned. It depends, then, upon you, whether your children be men or brutes." (Lamennais, Words of a Believer^ And you may educate your children by your words. Speak to them of your country; cf what she was, and is, and ought to be. At evening when, beneath the smile of their mother and amid the innocent prattle of your children seated on your knee, you for- get the day's fatigue, repeat to them the names and deeds of the good men who have loved their country and the people, and who have striven, amid sorrows, calurnny, and persecution, to elevate their destiny. Instil into their young hearts the strength to resist injustice and oppression. Let them learn from your lips, and the calm approval of their mother, how lovely is the path of virtue; how noble it is to become apostles of the truth, how holy to sacrifice themselves, if need be, for their fellows. Infuse into their tender minds, not merely the energy of resistance to every DUTIES TOWARDS THE FAMILY. 71 false or unjust authority, but due reverence for the sole, legitimate, and true authority — that of virtue crowned by genius. See that they grow up enemies alike to tyranny and anarchy, and in a Religion of a conscience inspired, but not enchained, by tradition. The Nation is bound to aid you in this work. And you have a right to exact this aid in your children's name. There is no true Nation without a National Education. Love and reverence your Parents. Let not the family that issues from you make you unmindful of that from which you sprang. Too often do the new ties weaken the old, whereas they should be but another link in the chain of love that should unite the three generations of the family in one. Surround the gray hairs of your mother and father with tender affection and respectful care even to their last day. Strew their path to the tomb with flowers. Let your constant love shed a perfume of faith and immor- tality over their weary souls. And be the affection you bestow on your own parents a pledge of that you shall receive from your children. Parents, sisters, brothers, wives, and children, be they all to you as branches springing from the same stem. Sanctify the family by unity of love, and make of it the Temple wherein you unite to bear sacrifice to your country. I know not whether you will be happy if you act thus; but I do know that even in the midst of advers- ity you will find that serene peace of the heart, that repose of the tranquil conscience, which will give you strength in every trial, and cheer your souls with a glimpse of heavenly azure even in the darkest storm. chapt;er VII. DUTIES TOWARDS YOURSELVES. I HAVE already said to you: You have life^ therefore you have a Law of life. To develop yourselves^ to act and live according to your Law of life^ is your first, or rather your sole, duty, I have told you that God has given you two means of arriving at a knowledge of your Law of life. He has given you your own conscience, and the con- science of Humanity, the common consent of your fellow-men. I have told you that whenever, on inter- rogating your own conscience, you find its voice in harmony with the mighty voice of the human race transmitted to you by history, you may be certain of holding an immutable and eternal truth. At present it is difficult for you fitly to interrogate this mighty voice of Humanity transmitted by his- tory. You are in want of really good popular books on this subject, or you have not time to study them. But the men whose intellect and virtue have rendered them the best exponents of historical study and of the science of Humanity, during the last half century, have deduced from them some of the characteristics of our Law of life. They have discovered that our human nature is essentially social and susceptible of education. They PUTIES TOWARDS YOURSELVES. 73 have discerned that, as there is and can be but one sole God, so there is and can be but one sole Law, governing alike individual and collective man. They have discerned that the fundamental character of this law is PROGRESS. From this truth — irrefutable, because confirmed by every branch of human knowledge— are deduced all your duties towards yourselves, and also all your rights. The last may be summed up in one, viz.: the right to he in no way impeded^ and to he to a certain extent assisted, in the fzdjillment of your duties. You are, and you feel within you that you are, free agents. All the sophisms of the wretched philosophy that seeks to substitute the doctrine of I know not what fatalism for the cry of our human conscience, avail not to silence the two invincible witnesses in favour of human liberty — Remorse and Martyrdom, From Socrates to Jesus, from Jesus down to men who, from time to time, still die for their country, all the martyrs of Faith protest against the servile doc- trine, and cry aloud unto you: "We also loved life, we also loved the beings who made that life dear, and who implored us to yield. Every impulse of our hearts cried LIVE! But, for the salvation of the generations to come, we chose to die." From Cain down to the vulgar spy of the present day, all the betrayers of their fellows, all the men who have chosen the path of evil, have heard and hear in the depths of their secret soul a voice of blanie, disquiet, and reproof, which says unto them : " Wherefore did you forsake the right path ? " You are free agents, and therefore responsible. From this moral liberty results your right to political 74 THE DUTIES OF MAN, liberty, your duty to achieve it and maintain it invio- late; and the duty of others not to restrain you therein. You are susceptible of education. There is in each of you a certain sum of moral tendencies and intel- lectual capacity to which education alone can give life and movement, and which, if uneducated, remain inert and sterile, or but reveal themselves by fits, and without regular development. Education is the bread of the soul. Even as physical organic life is unable to flourish and expand without material ali- ment, so does our moral and intellectual life require for its expansion and manifestation the external influ- ence, and the assimilation — in part at least — of the affections and tendencies of others. Individual life springs up like the flower. Each variety is gifted with a special existence and a special character, though growing upon the common soil and nourished by the elements common to the life of all. The individual is an offshoot of Humanity, and aliments and renews its vital forces in the vital force of Humanity, This work of alimentation and reno- vation is accomplished by Education, which trans- mits (directly or indirectly) to the individual the results of the progress of the whole human race. Education, therefore, is not merely a necessity of your true life; it is also a holy communion with your fellow-men, with the generations who lived (that is to say, thought and acted) before you, that you are bound to obtain for yourselves; it is a moral and intel- lectual education, which should embrace and fecundate all the faculties which God has given you, even as seed to fructify, and as the means with which to constitute DUTIES TOWARDS YOURSELVES. 75 and maintain the link between )^our individual life and the life of collective Humanity. And in order that this work of education may be more rapidly achieved, in order that your individual life may be more intimately and surely linked with the collective life of your brothers (the life of Humanity), God has created you beings eminently social. Each of the inferior beings can live alone, without communion save w^ith Nature, with the elements of the physical world. You cannot. You have need of your brother-men at every step, and cannot satisfy the simplest wants of your existence without aiding yourself by their work. Superior to all other beings when in association with your fellows, you are, when isolated, inferior in force to many of the lower ani- mals, weak, and incapable of development and of fullness of life. All the noblest aspirations of your heart, — such as love of country — even the least elevated -—such as the desire of glory and praise, — indicate your innate tendency to mingle your existence with the life of the millions by whom you are surrounded. You are, then, created for Association, Association centuples your strength; it makes the thoughts of others, and the progress of others, your own, while it elevates and sanctifies your nature through the affections and the growing sentiment of the unity of the human family. In proportion as your association with your brother-men is extended, in proportion as it is intimate and comprehensive, will you advance on the path of individual improve- ment. The Law of Life cannot be fulfilled in its en- tirety save by the united labour of all. For every "■jG THE DUTIES OF MAN. Step taken in progress, for every new discovery of a portion of that Law, history shows a corresponding extension of human association, a more extended contact and communication between peoples and peoples. Before the first Christians came to declare the unity of human nature, in opposition to the pagan philosophy that admitted two human natures (that of the master and that of the slave), the Roman people had already carried their eagles across all the known countries of Europe. Before the papacy (baleful to mankind at the present day, but useful during the first ages of its institution) proclaimed the superiority of Spiritual to Temporal Authority^ the barbarian invaders had vio- lently brought into contact the Latin and Germanic worlds. Before the idea of liberty — as applied not only to individuals but to peoples — had produced the con- -^ception of Nationality which now agitates and is des- tined to triumph in Europe, the wars of the Revolu- tion and the Empire had aroused and called into action an element until then remote, the Slavonian peoples. Finally you ^x^ progressiva beings. This word of PROGRESS, unknown to antiquity, is destined henceforth to be a sacred word to Human- ity. In it is included an entire social, political, and religious transformation. The ancients, the men of the old Oriental and Pagan religions, believed in fate, in chance, in a hidden, incomprehensible power^ the arbitrator of human things; a power alternately creator and destroyer, the action of which man was DUTIES TOWARDS YOURSELVES. , 77 neither able to understand, accelerate, nor promote. They believed man to be incapable of founding any- stable or permanent work on earth. They believed that nations, destined to move forever in a circle similar to that described by individuals here below, arose, became powerful, and sank in decay, doomed infallibly to perish. With a mental horizon thus restricted, and desti- tute of all historical knowledge save that of their own nation, or it might be of their own city, they re- garded the human race as a mere aggregate of men, without any general collective Life or Law, and based their ideas solely upon the contemplation of the indi- vidual. The natural consequence of such a doctrine was a disposition to accept all dominant and ruling facts^ without hoping or endeavouring to modify them. Where circumstances had produced a repub- lican form of government, the men of that day were republicans; where despotism existed, they were its submissive slaves, indifferent to progress. And both under the republican and tyrannic governments, the human family was everywhere divided, either into four castes, as in the East, or into two (the free citi- zens and the slaves), as in Greece. This division into castes, and the doctrine of the two natures of men, were accepted by all, even by the most power- ful intellects of the Greek world, Plato and Aristotle. The emancipation of your class would have been an impossibility among such men as these. The men who, with the word of Christ upon their lips, founded a Religion superior to paganism or the religions of the East, had but dimly foreseen, not grasped or assimilated, the sacred idea contained in 78 THE DUTIES OF MAN. this word Progress. They understood the idea of the unity of the human race, and the unity of the Law; they understood the idea of the perfectibility of man, but they did not comprehend that God has given man the power of realizing it by his 0W7i efforts, nor the mode by which it has to be achieved. They also limited themselves to deducing the rule of life from the contemplation of the individual. Humanity, as a collective being, remained unknown to them. They comprehended the idea of a Providence, and substituted it for the Fatality of the ancients; but in this Providence they saw only the protector of the individual, not the law of Humanity. Finding them- selves placed between the immense ideal of perfecti- bility they had faintly conceived, and the poor, brief life of the individual, they felt the necessity of an in- termediate term or link between man and God; but, not having reached the idea of collective Humanity, they had recourse to that of a divine incarnation, and declared faith in this dogma to be the sole source of strength, of salvation, of grace to men. Not suspecting the continuous Revelation trans- mitted from God to man, through Humanity, they believed in a unique, immediate Revelation, vouch- safed at a particular time, and by a special favor of God. They perceived the link that unites man with his Creator, but they perceived not the link that unites all men, past, present, and future, in Humanity on earth. The sequence of generations being of little moment to those who comprehended nothing of the action of one genenation on another, they accustomed them- selves to disregard it. They endeavoured to detach DUTIES TOWARDS YOURSELVES. 79 man from the earth, from all that regarded Human- ity at large, and ended by regarding the earth itself (which they abandoned to the existing powers, and deemed a mere sojourn of expiation) as in antago- nism to that Heaven to which man might, by the help of faith and grace, ascend, but from which all wanting in faith and grace were exiled. Believing Revelation to have been immediate and unique at a given period, they thence deduced the impossibility of all addition thereunto, and the conse- quent infallibility of its depositaries. They forgot that the Founder of their religion had come, not to destroy the law, but to add to and continue it: they forgot the solemn occasion when, with a sublime in- tuition of the future, Jesus declared ^' that He had many things yet to say, but men could not bear them then, but after Him would come the Spirit of Truth, who would speak not of himself, but whatsoever he should hear, that he should speak'* (St. John, xvi. 7, 12, 13, 25, et passim), words prophetic of the idea of Progress, of collective inspiration, and of the con- tinuous revelation of the truth through the medium of Humanity. The whole edifice of the Faith that succeeded pa- ganism is founded on the bases I have described. It is clear that your earthly emancipation cannot be founded upon these bases alone. Thirteen hundred years after the above sublime words of Jesus were spoken, a man, an Italian, the greatest of Italians, wrote the following truths: " God is one. The Universe is a Thought of God; the Universe, therefore, is also One. All things spring from God. All things participate in the 8o THE DUTIES OF MAN. Divine nature, more or less, according to the end for which they are created. Man is the noblest of cre- ated things. God has given to man more of His own nature than to the others. Everything that springs from God tends towards that amount of perfecti- bility of which it is susceptible. The capacity of perfectibility is indefinite in man. Humanity is One. God has created no useless thing. Humanity exists; hence there must be a single aim for all men, a work to be achieved by all. The human race must, there- fore, work in unity, so that all the intellectual forces diffused among men may obtain the highest possible development in the sphere of thought and action. There exists, therefore, one Universal Religion for the human race." The man who wrote these words was called Dante. Every city of Italy, when Italy shall be free, is bound to raise a monument to his memory, for these ideas contain the germ of the Religion of the Future. He wrote thus in Latin and L\ Italian, in two books, en- titled jDe Monarchia and // Convito, works difficult of comprehension, and neglected at the present day even by the literary men of his own country. But ideas, once sown in the intellectual world, never die. Others reap and gather them up, even while forget- ting whence they sprang. All men admire the oak, but who thinks of the acorn from which it grew? The germ planted by Dante struck root, was fecun- dated from time to time by some powerful intellect, and the tree bore fruit towards the close of the last century. The idea of Progress as the Law of Life, accepted, developed, and verified by history and con- firmed by science, became the banner of the future. DUTIES TOWARDS YOURSELVES. 8l At the present day there is no earnest thinker with whom it is not the cardinal point of his labour and endeavour. We now know that the Law of life is PROGRESS — progress for the individual, progress for Humanity. Humanity fulfills the law on earth: the individual, on earth and elsewhere. One sole God, one sole Law. That Law has been, is, and will be, gradually but inevitably fulfilled by Humanity from the first moment of its existence. Truth does not manifest itself suddenly, nor entire. A continuous Revelation, from epoch to epoch, makes manifest to man a fragment of the truth, a word of the Law. The discovery of every one of these words modifies human life by a sensible advance on the path of im- provement, and constitutes a beliefs a Faith. The development of the Religious Idea is, then, in- definitely progressive, and successive beliefs, each one developing and purifying that Idea, contribute, like the columns of a temple, to build up the Pan- theon of Humanity, the one grand, sole Religion of our earth. The men most blessed by God with genius and virtue are its Apostles; the People — the collective sense of Humanity — its Interpreter; accepting the revelation of the truth, transmitting it from genera- tion to generation, and reducing it to practice by applying it to the different branches and manifesta- tions of human life. " Humanity is as a man who lives and learns for- ever." Therefore there is not, there cannot be, infallibility 6 82 THE DUTIES OF MAN. either in man or Powers; there is not, there cannot be, any privileged caste of depositaries or interpreters of the Law; there is not, there cannot be, need of any interpreter between God and man, save Humanity. •God, by ordaining the accomplishment of a Provi- dential design of progressive education for Human- ity, and infusing the instinct of progress into the heart of every man, granted to human nature the capacity and the power to fulfill that design. Individual man, a free and responsible creature, is able to use or abuse the faculties given to him, in proportion as he follows the path of duty or yields to the seductions of a blind selfishness. He may thus delay or accelerate his own progress, but the Provi- dential design can be cancelled by no human means. The education of Humanity must be completed. Thus do we see even the barbarian invasions, which from time to time threaten to extinguish the existing civilization, result in a new civilization, superior to the former and diffused over a wider zone, and even individual tyranny subsequently produce a more rapid and vigourous growth of liberty. Progress, the Law, will be fulfilled on earth even as elsewhere. There is no antagonism between earth and heaven, and it is blasphemous to imagine that God's earth, the Home He has given us, may be by us despised and abandoned to the influence of evil, selfishness, or tyranny, without sin. The earth is no sojourn of expiation. It is the home wherein we are to strive towards the realiza- tion of that ideal of the true and just of which each man has in his own soul the germ. It is the ladder DUTIES TOWARDS YOURSELVES. g^ towards that condition of Perfection which we can only reach by glorifying God in Humanity, through our own works, and by consecrating ourselves to realize in action all that we may of His design. The Judgment that will be held on each of us, and that will either decree our ascent one step on the ladder of Perfection, or doom us mournfully to pursue again the stage already trod, will be founded on the amount of good done to our brothers, on the degree of prog- ress to which we have aided them to ascend. Association^ ever more intimate and more extended, with our fellow-men, is the means by which our strength will be multiplied; the field wherein we ful- fill our duties and reduce the Law of Progress to action. We must strive to make of Humanity one single family, every member of which shall be him- self a reflection of the moral law, for the benefit of the others. And as the gradual perfection of Humanity is accomplished from epoch to epoch, from generation to generation, so the perfection of the individual is wrought out from existence to existence, more or less rapidly in proportion to our own labour and effort. These are some of the truths contained in that word Progress, from which the Religion of the Future will spring. In its name only can your emancipation be achieved. CHAPTER VIII. LIBERTY. You live. The life that is in you is not the work of chance; the word chance is void of meaning, and was invented to express the ignorance of mankind in cer- tain things. The life which is in you comes from God, and in its progressive development it reveals an intelligent design. Your life, then, has necessarily a scope, an aim. The ultimate aim for which we were created is still unknown to us; it cannot be otherwise; but this is no reason why we should deny its existence. Does the infant know the aim toward which it must tend through the Family, the Country, and Humanity? No; but this aim exists, and we are beginning to comprehend it for him. Humanity is the infant of God: He knows the end and aim towards which it must develop itself. Humanity is only now beginning to understand that Progress is the Law. It is beginning vaguely to comprehend somewhat of the universe by which it is surrounded: but the majority of the individuals that compose it are still incapable, through barbarism, slavery, or the absolute absence of all education, of studying that Law and obtaining a knowledge of that universe, both of which it is necessary to compre- hend before we can truly know ourselves. LIBERTY. 85 Only a minority of the men who people our little Europe are as yet capable of developing themselves towards the right use and understanding of their own intellectual faculties. Amongst yourselves, deprived as the greater num- ber of you are of instruction, and bowed down beneath the necessity of an ill-organized physical labour, those faculties lie dormant, and are unable to bring their tribute to raise the pyramid of science. How, then, should we pretend as yet to understand that which will require the associate labour of the whole ? Wherefore rebel against our not having already achieved that which will constitute the last stage of Progress, while, few in number, and still disunited, we are but learning to lisp its sacred name ? Let us resign ourselves, then, to our ignorance of those things which must yet a long while remain in- accessible to us, and let us not in childish anger abandon the study of the truths we may discover. Impatience and human pride have destroyed or mis- led more souls than deliberate wickedness. This is the truth which the ancients sought to express when they told us how the despot who strove to scale the heavens succeeded only in building a Babel of confu- sion, and how^ the giants who attacked Olympus were cast down by thunderbolts, and buried beneath our volcanic mountains. That of which it is important to be convinced is this, that whatever be the end and aim towards which we are created, we can only reach it through the progressive development and exercise of our intellec- tual faculties. Our faculties are the instruments of labour given to us by God. It is, therefore, a neces- S6 THE DUTIES OF MAN. sity that their development be aided and promoted, and their exercise protected and free. Without liberty you cannot fulfill any of your duties. Therefore have you a right to liberty, and a duty to wrest it at all risks from whatever power shall seek to withhold it. Without liberty there is no true morality, because if there be not free choice between good and evil, between devotion to the common progress and the spirit of selfishness, there can be no responsibility. Without liberty there is no true society, because association between free men and slaves is impos- sible; there can only exist the rule of the one over the others. Liberty is sacred, as the individual, of whose life it is the reflex, is sacred. Where liberty is not, life is reduced to a mere organic function, and when man allows the violation of his liberty, he is false to his own nature, and rebels against the decree of God. There is no true liberty whenever a caste, a family, or a man, assumes to rule over others in virtue of a pretended right divine, or from any privilege of birth or riches. Liberty must be for all men, and in rela- tion to all other men. God does not delegate the sovereign power to any individual. That degree of sovereign power which can be justly represented on this earth, has been en- trusted by God to Humanity, to the Nations, to So- ciety. And even that ceases, and is withdrawn from those collective fractions of Humanity, w^hensoever they cease to wield it for good, and in accordance with the Providential design. The sovereign rule therefore exists of rig/if in none, the true sovereignty LIBERTY. 87 being in the aim^ and in those acts which bring us nearer to that. These acts, and the aim towards which we are advancing, must be submitted to the judgment of all. There is not, therefore, there can- not be, any permanent sovereignty. The institution which we term Government is merely a Mafiagement^ a mission confided to a few in order more speedily to attain the national intent or Aim; and should that mission be betrayed, the power of management confided to those few must cease. Every man called to the Government is an admin- istrator of the common Thought. He should be elected, and be subject to have his election revoked whensoever he misconceives or deliberately opposes that Thought. Therefore, I repeat, there can exist neither family nor caste possessing the governing power in its own right, without a violation of your liberty. How could you call yourselves free, in the presence of men possessing the power to command you without your consent? The Republic is, then, the only logical and truly legitimate form of Government. You have no master save God in Heaven, and the People on earth. Whensoever you discover a line of the Law, of the will of God, you are bound to bless and obey it. Whensoever the people, the collective Unity of your brother-men, shall declare that such is their belief, you are bound to bow your head, and ab- stain from any act of rebellion. But there are certain things constituting your own individuality, and which are essential elements of human life. Over these not even the People has any right. No major- ity may decree tyranny, or destroy or alienate its own 88 THE DUTIES OF MAN. freedom. You cannot employ force against the People that should commit this suicidal act, but there exists and lives eternally in each of you a right of protest, in the manner circumstances may suggest. You must have liberty in all that is indispensable to the moral and material aliment of life; personal liberty, liberty of locomotion, liberty of religious faith; liberty of opinion upon all subjects, liberty of expressing that opinion through the Press, or by any other peaceful means; liberty of association in order to render that opinion fruitful by cultivation, and by contact with the thoughts and opinions of others; liberty of labour, and of trade and commerce with its produce; all these are things which may not be taken from you (save in a few exceptional cases which it is unnecessary here to enumerate) without your having aright to protest. No one has any right to imprison you, or subject you to personal espionage or restraint in the name of society, without telling you wherefore, celling it you with the least possible delay, and immediately con- ducting you before the judicial power of the country. No one has any right of persecution, intolerance, or exclusive legislation as to your religious opinion: no voice, save the grand, peaceful voice of Humanity, has any right to interpose itself between God and your conscience. God has given you the faculty of thought: no one has a right to suppress or restrain its expression, which is the act of communion "between your soul and the souis of your brother-men, and is our one sole means of progress. The Press must be absolutely free. The rights of LIBERTY. 89 intellect are inviolable, and every preventive censor- ship is tyranny. Society may, however, punish the errors of the Press, or the teaching of crime or im- morality, just as it may punish any other description of error. This right of punishment (decreed in vir- tue of a solemn public judgment) is a consequence of our human responsibility; but every anterior inter- vention is a negation of liberty. The right of peaceful association is as sacred as thought itself. God gave us the tendency to associa- tion as a perennial means of progress, and as a pledge of that Unity which the human family is destined one day to attain. No power, then, has a right to limit or impede association . It is the duty of each of you to employ the life < given him by God; to preserve it and to develop it: each of you, then, is bound to labour, as the sole means of its material support. Labour is sacred. No one has a right to impede it, forbid it, or render it impossible by arbitrary regulations. No one has any right to forbid free trade in its productions. Your country is your lawful market, which no one may limit or restrain. But when all these various forms of liberty shall be held sacred, when the State shall be constituted according to the universal will, and in such wise that each individual shall have every path towards the free development of his faculties thrown open before him, — forget not that high above each and every in- dividual stands the intent and Aim which it is your duty to achieve, your own moral perfectibility and that of others, through an ever more intimate and 90 THE DUTIES OF MAN. extended communion between all the members of the human family, so that the day may come when all shall recognize one sole Law. " Your task is to found the Universal Family, to build up the City of God, and unremittingly to la- bour towards the active, progressive fulfillment of His great work in Humanity. '' When each of you, loving all men as brothers, shall reciprocally act like brothers; when each of you, seeking his own well-being in the well-being of all, shall identify his own life with the life of all, and his own interest with the interest of all; when each shall be ever ready to sacrifice himself for all the members of the Common Family, equally ready to sacrifice themselves for him; most of the evils which now weigh upon the human race will disappear, as the gathering vapours of the horizon vanish on the rising of the sun; and the will of God will be ful- filled, for it is His will that love shall gradually unite the scattered members of Humanity and organize them into a single whole, so that Humanity may be one, even as He is One." ^ Let not these words, the words of a man whose life and death were holy, and who loved the people and their future with an immense love, ever be for- gotten by you, my brothers. Liberty is but a means. Woe unto you and to your future, should you ever accustom yourselves to regard it as the end I Your own individuality has its rights and duties, which may not be yielded up to any, but woe unto you and to your future, should the respect you owe unto * Lammenais, Livre dn People, III. LIBERTY. 91 that which constitutes your individual life ever de- generate into the fatal crime of selfishness. Liberty is not the negation of all authority: it is the negation of every authority that fails to represent the Collective Aim of the nation, or that presumes to impose or maintain itself upon any other basis than that of your free consent. In these later days the sacred idea of liberty has been perverted by sophistical doctrines. Some have reduced it to a narrow and immoral egoism; have made ^^//" everything, and have declared the aim of all social organization to be the satisfaction of its de- sires. Others have declared that all government and all authority are necessary evils, to be restricted and restrained as far as possible; that liberty has no limit, and that the aim of all society is that of indefi- nitely promoting liberty, which man has the right of using or abusing, provided his doing so result in no direct evil to others, and that government has no other mission than that of preventing one individual from injuring another. Reject these false doctrines, my brothers! The first has generated the selfishness of class; the second makes of society — which, well organized, would be the representation of your collective life and aim — naught better than the soldier or police officer com- missioned to maintain an external and apparent peace. The tendency of all such doctrines is to convert liberty into anarchy; to cancel the idea of collective moral improvement, and that mission of Progress, which society ought to assume. If you should un- derstand liberty thus, you would deserve to lose it, and sooner or later you would lose it. 92 THE DUTIES OF MAN. Your liberty will be sacred so long as it is governed by and evolved beneath an idea of duty, of faith in the co.mmon perfectibility. Your liberty will flourish, protected by God and man, as long as you hold it — not as the right to use or abuse your faculties in the direction it may please you to select — but as the right of free choice, accord- ing to your separate tendencies, of the means of do- ing good. CHAPTER IX. EDUCATION. God has created you susceptible of education. Therefore it is your duty to educate yourselves as far as lies in your power, and it is your right that the so- ciety to which you belong shall not impede your edu- cation, but assist you in it, and supply you with the means thereof when you have them not. Your liberty, your rights, your emancipation from every injustice in your social position, the task which each of you is bound to fulfill on earth — all these de- pend upon the degree of education you are able to attain. Without education you are incapable of rightly choosing between good and evil; you cannot acquire a true knowledge of your rights; you cannot attain that participation in political life without which your complete social emancipation is impossible ; you cannot arrive at a correct definition and comprehen- sion of your own mission. Education is the bread of your soul. Without it your faculties lie dormant and unfruitful, even as the vital power lies sterile in the seed cast into untilled soil and deprived of the benefits of irrigation and the watchful labour of the agriculturist. At the present day your class is either uneducated 94 THE DUTIES OF MAN. or receives its education at the hands of men or gov- ernments, who, having no ruling principles to guide them, necessarily mutilate or misdirect it. Present directors of education imagine that they have fulfilled their duties towards you when they have opened a certain number of schools — distributed unequally over the territory they govern — wherein your chil- dren may receive a certain degree of elementary in- struction, consisting principally of reading, writing, and arithmetic. Such teaching is properly called instruction^ and it differs and is as distinct from true education as the various organs of our existence differ and are dis- tinct from our life. The organs of existence are not our life. They are the mere instruments of our life and its means of manifestation; they neither govern nor direct it; they are equally the manifestation of the holiest or the most corrupt life; and just so does instruction provide the means of putting in practice that which is taught by education, but it can never take the place of education. Education addresses itself to the moral faculties; instruction to the intellectual. The first develops in man the knowledge of his duties; the second gives him the capacity of achieving them. Without in- struction, education would be too often inefficient; without education, instruction is a lever deprived of its fulcrum. You know how to read. What avails this knowl- edge if you are unfit to judge between the books containing error and those containing truth ? You have learned to communicate your thoughts to your fellow-men in writing. What avails this knowledge, EDUCATION. 95 if your thoughts are the mere reflex of your own selfishness ? Instruction, like wealth, is either a source of good or of evil, according to the manner and motive of its use. Consecrated to aid the progress of all, it is a means of civilization and of liberty; turned to more personal uses, it becomes an agent of tyranny and corruption. In Europe at the present day, instruction, unac- companied by a corresponding degree of moral educa- tion, is too often a serious evil; it assists in maintain- ing inequality between class and class of the same people, leads men to false doctrines, and produces a spirit of calculation, of selfishness, and of compromise between the just and the unjust. The distinction between those who offer you more or less of instruction and those who preach educa- tion, is more important than you are aware of, and deserves to be spoken of at some length. The camp of the liberal party in Europe at the present day is split up into two schools of doctrine. The first of these schools proclaims the sovereignty of the Individual. The second declares that sov- ereignty belongs to Society alone, and makes the manifest consent of the majority its law. The first imagines that it has fulfilled its mission when it has proclaimed the rights believed to be in- herent in human nature, and preserved liberty. The second looks almost exclusively to association^ and from the Social Pact that constitutes that association it deduces the duties of each individual. The first does not go beyond what I have termed v^/^i- instruction, for instruction does in fact tend to 96 THE DUTIES OF MAN. develop the individual faculties, without direction or rule. The second understands the necessity of education, and regards it as the manifestation of the social programme. The first inevitably tends to moral anarchy. The second, unmindful of liberty, runs the risk of uphold- ing despotism — the despotism of the majority. To the first of these schools belonged that genera- tion of men known in France as Doctrinaires^ who be- trayed the hopes of the people after the revolution of 1830, and who, by proclaiming Liberty of Instruction, and nothing more, perpetuated the monopoly of gov- ernment in the hands of the bourgeois class, who did possess the means of developing their individual faculties. The second, unfortunately, is only repre- sented at the present day by Powers or sects belong- ing to antiquated creeds or beliefs, and hostile to the dogma of the future, which is Progress. Both of these schools are defective. The tendency of both is narrow and exclusive. The following is the truth: All Sovereignty is in God, in the moral law, in the Providential design — which rules the world, and is from time to time revealed to Humanity, in different epochs of its existence, by virtuous Genius — in the Aim we have to reach, in the Mission we have to fulfill. Sovereignty cannot exist in the individual, nor in Society, except in so far as one or the other acts in accordance with that design and law, and tends to- wards that aim. The individual ruler is either the best interpreter of that Law, and governs in its name, or he is a usurper to be overthrown. EDUCATION. 97 There is no legitimate sovereignty in the mere will of the majority, if it be contrary to the supreme moral law or deliberately close the path of future progress. The Social Weal, Liberty, and Progress: there can be no real sovereignty beyond these three terms. Education teaches in what the social weal consists. Instruction assures to the individual a free choice of the means of securing a continuous advance in the conception of the social weal. That which is most important for you is that your children be taught what are the ruling principles and beliefs directing the life of their fellow-men during the span of existence allotted to them on earth ; what the moral, social, and political programme of their nation; what the spirit of the legislation by which their actions will be judged ; what the degree of progress already achieved by Humanity; what the goal it is destined to attain. And it is important that they should be taught in their earliest years a spirit of equality and love, which links them in a common aim with the millions, the brothers given them by God. The education that will afford your children such teach- ing as this, can only be givefi them by the nation. At present their moral teaching is a mere anarchy. Left exclusively to the parents, it is nullin those cases where poverty and the necessity of constant material labour deprive them alike of the knowledge and time required to enable them to teach their children them- selves and of the means of providing other instruct- ors; it is evil in those cases where selfishness and cor- ruption have perverted or contaminated the family. 7 98 THE DUTIES OF MAN. Even where parents have the means of providing in- struction for their children, they are too often brought up in materialism, or superstition; in ideas of mere liberty, or passive resignation; of aristocracy, or mere reaction against it, according to the character of the instructor — priestly or secular — whom the parents celect. How can such education in childhood fit men to work together in harmony and fraternity towards a common aim, and to represent in their own persons the unity of the country? Society calls upon them to promote the develop- ment of a common idea in which they have not been instructed. Society punishes them for the violation of laws of which they were left in ignorance, the scope and spirit of which society has never taught them. Society requires from them cooperation and sacrifice for an aim which no teachers have explained to them at the outset of their civil life. Strange to say, the Doctrinaire School of which I have already spoken recognizes the right of each separate individual to rule and teach the young, and does not admit the same right in the association of individuals, the Nation. Their cry of liberty of in- struction disinherits the Nation of all moral direction. They proclaim the importance of unity in the mone- tary system, and the system of weights and measures; but that unity of Principle, upon which all national life should be founded and developed, is nothing to them. Without a national education, the Nation has no moral existence, for upon it alone can a national con- science be formed. Without a national education — common to all the EDUCATION. 99 citizens — all equality of rights and duties is an un- meaning formula, for all knowledge of duties, and all capacity for the exercise of rights, are left to the chances of fortune, or the arbitrary choice of those who select the teacher. The opponents of unity of education invoke liberty in their support. The liberty of whom? Of the fathers, or of the children? In their system the moral liberty of the children is violated by the des- potism of the father; the liberty of the young gene- ration is sacrificed to the old; and liberty of progress is rendered an illusion. Individual opinions and beliefs — false, it may be, and adverse to progress— are alone transmitted with all the authority of the father to the son, at an age when their examination is impossible. As they advance in life the position of the majority among you, and the necessity of occupying every hour in material em- ployment, will prevent the mind already stamped and impressed with those opinions and beliefs, from modifying them by comparison with others. In the name of this false liberty the anarchical system I have described tends to perpetuate that worst of despotisms, a moral caste. This system, in fact, produces a form of despotism, not liberty. True liberty cannot exist without equal- ity, and equality can only exist among those who start from a common ground, a common principle, and a uniform consciousness and knowledge of duty. Liberty can only rightly be exercised as a conse- quence of that knowledge. I said a few pages back, that true liberty is not the right to choose evil, but the right of choice between lOO THE DUTIES OF MAN. the various paths that lead to good. The liberty in- voked by these shallow philosophers is, in fact, an arbitrary right given to the father to choose the wrong for his child. What! If a father should threaten to mutilate or in any way injure the body of his child, Society would interfere, called on and in- voked by all; and shall the soul of that child be of less worth than the body? Shall not Society inter- fere to protect him from the mutilation of his facul- ties, from ignorance, from the perversion of his moral sense, from superstition? The cry of Liberty of Instruction was of use in the day when it first arose, and it is useful even now in kll countries where moral education is the monopoly of a despotic government, a retrograde caste, or a priesthood, the nature of whose dogma renders it antagonistic to progress. That cry was a cry of emancipation, imperfect, but indispensable and neces- sary at the time. But I speak to you of a time in wliich Religion shall inscribe the word Progress over the portal of the Temple; when all your institutions shall be so many repetitions of that word in various forms, and when a National education shall be given to the people w^hich will conclude its teachings to its pupils with these words: *^ To you, as beings destined to live under a com- mon Pact with ourselves, we have now declared the fundamental basis of that Pact; the Principles in which your Nation believes at the present day; but remember that the first of these principles is Prog- ress; remember that your mission, both as a man and a citizen, is to improve, as far as you may, the minds EDUCATION. lOI and hearts of your fellow-men. Go; examine and compare; and if you discover a truth superior to that which we believe ourselves to possess, diffuse it free- ly, and the blessing of your country be with ypu." Then, though not before, you may renounce the cry of liberty of instruction as inferior to your need, and fatal to the unity of the country; then you may ask — nay, exact— the foundation of a system of gratuitous National Education, obligatory upon all. The Nation is bound to transmit its programme to every citizen. Every citizen should receive in the national schools a moral education, a course of nation- ality — comprising a summary view of the progress of Humanity and of the history of his own country; a popular exposition of the principles directing the legislation of that country, and the elementary in- struction about which we are all agreed. Every citi- zen should be taught in these schools the lesson of equality and love. The National Programme once transmitted to all the citizens, liberty resumes its rights. Not only family education, but every other is sacred. Every man has an unlimited right to communicate his ideas to his fellow-men; every man has a right to hear them. Society should encourage and promote the free utterance of thought in every shape, and open every path to the modification and development of the National Programme. CHAPTER X. ASSOCIATION. PROGRESS. God has created you social and progressive beings. It is therefore your duty to associate yourselves, and to progress as far as the sphere of activity in which circumstances have placed you, will permit. You have a right to demand that the society to which you belong shall in no way impede your work of association and progress, but, on the contrary, shall assist you, and furnish you with the means of asso- ciation and progress of which you stand in need. Liberty gives you the power of choosing between good and evil; that is to say, between duty and selfishness. Education will teach you to choose rightly. Association will give you the means of re- ducing your choice to action. Progress, the Aim by which you must be guided in your choice, is, at the same time, when visibly achieved, the proof that your choice was not mistaken. Whenever anyone of these conditions is neglected or betrayed, the man and the citizen do not exist, or exist in a state of imperfection and impeded development. You have therefore to strive to realize all these conditions, and above all, the right of association; without which both liberty and education are use- less. ASSOCIATION. PROGRESS. I03 The right of association is as sacred as Religion itself, which is the association of souls. You are all the sons of God; you are therefore brothers. Who, then, may without guilt set limits to association, the communion among brothers? This word communion, which I have written advis- edly, was taught us by Christianity, which the men of the past declared to be an immutable religion, but which is, in fact, a step in the scale of the religious manifestations of Humanity. And it is a sacred word. It taught mankind that they were a single family of equals before God, and united master and servant in a single thought of sal- vation, of love, and of hope in Heaven. It was an immense advance upon the preceding ages, when both philosophers and people believed the souls of citi- zens and the souls of slaves to be of different nature and race. And this mission alone would have suf- ficed to stamp the greatness of Christianity. The communion was the symbol of the equality and fraternity of souls, and it rested with Humanity to amplify and develop the truth hidden under that symbol. The Church did not and could not do this. Timid and uncertain in the beginning, and allied with the nobles and the Temporal Powers in the sequel, im- bued, from self-interest, with an aristocratic ten- dency which had no existence in the mind of its founder, the Church wandered out of the true path, and even receded so far as to diminish the moral valiie of the communion, by limiting it in the case of the laity to a communion in bread alone, and reserv- ing solely to priests the communion in both species. I04 THE DUTIES OF MAN. At that time arose a cry from all that felt within their souls the right of the whole human family to the symbols of unlimited communion without dis- tinction between the laity and ecclesiastics: Commun- ion in both species for the people; the Cup for the people I In the fifteenth century that cry became the watch- word of the aroused multitudes; it was the prelude to the Religious Reformation, and was sanctified by martyrdom. A holy man, named John Huss, of Bo- hemia, who was the leader of that movement, per- ished in the flames kindled by the Inquisition. At the present day, most of you are ignorant of the history of those struggles, or believe them to have been the quarrels of fanatics about merely theologi- cal questions. But when a national education shall have popularized history, and taught you how every religious progress carries with it a corresponding progress in civil life, you will appreciate those con- tests at their true worth, and honor the memory of those martyrs as your benefactors. We owe it to those martyrs and their predecessors that we have learned that there is no privileged class of interpre- ters between God and the people ; that the best among us in wisdom and virtue may and ought to counsel and direct us on the path of improvement, but without any monopoly of power or supremacy; and that the right of communion is indeed equal for all men. That which is holy in Heaven is holy on earth, and the communion of mankind in God carries with it the association of mankind in their terrestrial life. The religious association of souls carries with it the association of intellect, and of action which converts thought into reality. ASSOCIATION. PROGRESS. lOS Gonsider association, therefore, both your duty and your right. There are those who seek to put a limit to the rights of the citizen, by telling you that the true asso- ciation is the State, the Nation: that you ought all to be members of that association, but that every par- tial association amongst yourselves, is either adverse to the State, or superfluous. But the State, the Nation, only represents the asso- ciation of the citizens in those matters and in those tendencies v^^hich are common to all the men who compose it. There are tendencies and aims which do not embrace all the citizens, but only a certain number of them. And precisely as the tendencies and the aims which are common to all, constitute the Nation; so the tendencies and aims which are common to a portion of the citizens, should constitute special asso- ciations. Moreover — and this is the fundamental basis of the right of association — association is a guarantee of progress. The State represents a certain number or mass of principles, in which the citizens are agreed at the time of its foundation. Suppose that a new and true principle, a new and rational development of the truths that have given vitality to the State, should be discovered by a few among its citizens. How shall they diffuse the knowledge of this principle, except by association? Suppose that, in consequence of scientific discovery, or of new means of communica- tion opened up between peoples and peoples, or from any other cause, a new interest should arise among a certain number of the individuals composing the State, how shall they who first perceive this, make Io6 THE DUTIES OF MAN. their way among the various interests of long stand- ing, unless by uniting their efforts and their means? Inertia, and a disposition to rest satisfied with the order of things long existing and sanctioned by the common consent, are habits too powerful over the minds of most men to allow a single individual to overcome them by his solitary work. The associa- tion of a daily increasing minority can do this. Asso- ciation is the method of the future. Without it the State would remain motionless, enchained to the de- gree of civilization already reached. Association must be progressive in the scope it en- deavours to attain, and not contrary to those truths which have been conquered forever by the uni- versal consent of Humanity and of the Nation. An association founded for the purpose of facilitat- ing theft of the property of others ; an association obliging its members to polygamy; an association which should preach the dissolution of the Nation or the establishment of despotism, would be illegal. The Nation has the right of declaring to its members: "We cannot tolerate the diffusion among us of doc- trines in violation of that which constitutes human nature, moralit}^, or the country. Go forth and es- tablish amongst yourselves, beyond our frontiers, the associations which your tendencies suggest." Association must be peaceful. It may not use other weapons than the apostolate of the spoken and written word. Its object must be to persuade, not to compel. Association must be public. Secret associations — which are a legitimate weapon of defence where there exists neither liberty nor Nation — are illegal, and ought to be dissolved, wherever liberty and the ASSOCIATION. PROGRESS. I07 inviolability of thought are rights recognized and protected by the country. As the scope and in- tent of association is to open the paths of progress it must be submitted to the examination and judg- ment of all. And, finally, association is bound to respect in others those rights which spring from the essential characteris- tics of huinan nature. An association which, like the corporations of the Middle Ages, should violate the rights of labour, or which should tend directly to restrict liberty of conscience, ought to be repressed by the government of the Nation. With these exceptions, liberty of association among the citizens is as sacred and inviolable as that prog- ress of which it is the life. Every government which attempts to restrain it betrays its social mission, and it becomes the duty of the people first to admonish it, and — all peaceful means being exhausted — to overthrow it. Such, my brothers, are the bases upon which your duties are founded, the sources from which spring your rights. An infinite number of questions will arise in the course of your civil life, which it is no part of the present work either to foresee, or to assist you in resolving. My sole aim in this book has been to present to you, even as torches to light you on your way, those Principles which should guide you through them all, and in the earnest application of which, you will find a method of resolving them for yourselves. And this I believe I have done. I have led you to God, as the source of duty and pledge of the equality of man: to the Moral Law, as I08 THE DUTIES OF MAN. the source of all eivil laws and basis of your every judgment as to the conduct of those who frame those laws. I have pointed out to you the people — -your- selves, ourselves, the mass of the citizens compos- ing the Nation — as the sole interpreter of the law, and the source of all political power. I have told you that the fundamental characteristic of the law is Prog- ress; progress indefinite and continuous from epoch to epoch; progress in every branch of human activity, in every manifestation of thought, from religion dovvn to industry and to the distribution of wealth. I have described to you your duties towards Human- ity, your country, your family, and yourselves. And I have deduced those duties from those essential characteristics which constitute the humafi creature, and which it is your task to develop. These characteristics^inviolable in every man- are: liberty, susceptibility of education, the social tendency, and the capacity for, and necessity of, progress. And from these characteristics — without which there is neither true man nor true citizen possi- ble— I have deduced, not your duties only, but your rights, and the general character of the government you should seek for your country. Never forget these principles. Watch that they never be violated. Incarnate them in yourselves. You will be free, and you will improve. The task I have undertaken for you would then be complete, were it not for a tremendous obstacle aris- ing in the bosom of Society itself (as it is now consti- tuted), to the possibility of your fulfilling your duties or exercising your rights. This obstacle is the inequality of means. ASSOCIATION. PROGRESS. IO9 In order to fulfill duties and exercise rights — time, intellectual development, and the certainty of mate- rial existence, are necessary. Now, very many of you do not possess these first elements of progress. Their life is a constant and uncertain battle in order to conquer the means of material existence. For them, the question is not one of progress^ but of life itself. There is, then, some deep and radical vice in the present organization of society. And my work would be rendered useless were I not to define that vice, and indicate a method of correcting it. The economical question will therefore constitute the last portion of my work. CHAPTER XL THE ECONOMICAL QUESTION, Many, too many, of you are poor. Life for at least three-fourths of the working class, whether labourers or mechanics, is a daily struggle to obtain the indis- pensable material means of existence. They are occu- pied in manual labour for ten, twelve, sometimes fourteen, hours a day, and by this constant, monoto- nous, and painful industry, they scarcely gain the bare necessaries of. physical existence. The attempt to teach such men the duty of progress, to speak to them of their intellectual and moral life, of their political rights, or of education, is sheer irony in the present state of things. They have neither time nor means to improve and progress. Wearied, worn-out, half-stupefied by a life consumed in a round of petty and mechanical toil, all they do learn is a mute, impotent, and often unjust, rancour against the class of men who employ them. They too often seek forgetfulness of the troubles of the day and the uncertainty of the morrow in the stimulus of strong drink, and sink to rest in places better described as dens than rooms, to waken to a repetition of the same dull exercise of their merely physical powers. It is a sad condition, and it must be altered. THE ECONOMICAL QUESTION. Ill You are men., and as such you possess faculties, not merely physical, but intellectual and moral: faculties which it is your duty to develop. You should be citizens., and, as such, exercise for the good of all cer- tain rights, which require a certain degree of educa- tion and a certain portion of time. It is clear that you ought to labour less and gain more than you do now. Sons of God, all of us, and brethren in Him and amongst ourselves, we are called to constitute one sole great Family. In this family there may exist such inequality as is he result of diversity of aptitude, of capacity, or of disposition for labour, but it should be governed by one single principle: Whosoever is willing to give — for the benefit of the whole — that amoimt of labour of which he is capable^ ought to receive such aniount of recoinpense for that labour as will enable him more or less to develop his i7idividual life in each of the essential characteristics by which individital life is defined. This is the ideal which all of us ought to strive and study to approach more nearly from age to age. Every change, every revolution which fails to ad- vance us one step towards this ideal, which does not produce a moral and social progress corresponding to the political progress achieved, which does not re- sult in one degree of improvement in the material condition of the poorer classes, violates the Providen- tial design, and reduces itself to the rank of a mere war of faction against faction, each seeking illegiti- mate dominion, and each alike a falsehood and an evil. But up to what point can we realize this aim at the 112 THE DUTIES OF MAN. present day ? How, and by what means can we reach this point ? Some of tire more timid amongst your well-wishers have sought the remedy in the morality of the work- ingman himself. They have founded savings-banks and similar institutions, saying to the operative : "Bring your wages here ; economize, abstain from every excess, whether of drink or otherwise; emanci- pate yourselves from poverty by privation." And such advice is excellent, in so far as it tends to thfe moral improvement of the workingman, without which all reforms are useless. But it neither solves the question of poverty itself, nor takes any account of social duty. Very few of you can economize your wages. And all that those few can achieve by their slow accumu- lation is the possibility of providing, to a certain ex- tent, for their old age. Now, the economical ques- tion has more than this in view. Its object is also to provide for the years of manhood, to develop and ex- pand ///>, as far as possible, while in its full vigour and activity, while it may most efficaciously aid the prog- ress of the country and humanity. Even with regard to the mere material well-being of the working class this advice falls short of the aim, as it does not even hint at any method of increasing wealth or 'production. Moreover, society, which lives by the labour of the sons of the people, and de- mands from them their tribute of blood in the hour of danger, incurs a sacred debt towards them in return. There are other men, not enemies of the people, but indifferent to the cry of suffering which bursts THE ECONOMICAL QUESTION. II3 from the hearts of the sons of labour, and fearful of every great innovation, wlio belong to the school of Economists^ and who have worthily and usefully fought the battle of industry and labour, but without reflecting that the necessity of Progress and of Asso- ciation is an ineradicable element of human nature. This school has maintained, and still — like the Philanthropists of whom I have spoken — does main- tain, that every one can^ even in the present state of things, build up his own independence on his own activity, that any change in the organization of labour would be either injurious or superfluous, and that the formula, Each for himself and liberty for us all., is sufficient to create, by degrees, an approximate equilibrium of ease and comfort among the various classes that constitute society. Liberty of internal traffic, liberty of commerce among nations, a progressive reduction of custom duties (especially upon raw materials), a general encouragement offered to great industrial enter- prises, to the multiplication of means of communica- tion and of all machinery tending to increase activity of production; these, according to the Economists^ are all that society can offer for the amelioration of the position of your class, and any further intervention on its part would, in their opinion, be a source of evil. If this were indeed true, the evil of poverty would be incurable; but God forbid, my brothers! that I should ever give your sufferings and your aspirations an answer so despairing, atheistic, and immoral. God has ordained for you a better future than that offered by the remedies of the Economists. 114 I'HE DUTIES OF MAN. Their remedies, in fact, merely point to the possi- ble arid temporary increase of the production of wealth; they do not tend to its more equitable distri- bution. While the Philanthropists, regarding indi- vidual man alone, content themselves with the endeavour to make him more moral, without seeking to increase the common prosperity so as to give him an opportunity of progress ; the Eco7iomists think only of increasing the sources of production, without occupying themselves with the condition of the indi- vidual man. Under the exclusive regime of liberty which they preach, and which has more or less regu- lated the economical world in these later days, the most irrefutable documentary evidence has shown an increase of productive activity and of capital, but not of universally diffused prosperity. The misery of the working class is unchanged. Liberty of competition for him who possesses nothing — for him who, unable to save his daily earnings, can- not even initiate a competition — is a lie; even as po- litical liberty is a lie for those who, from want of eduv cation, instruction, time and material means, are unable to exercise their rights. Increased facilities for the exchange and conveyance of the products of labour would by degrees emancipate labour from the tyranny of trade and commerce, and from the exist- ing classes of intermediates between the producer and the consumer, but they cannot emancipate it from the tyranny of capital ; they cannot give the means of labour to him who has them not. And from the want of an equal distribution of wealth, and of a just division of products, combined THE ECONOMICAL QUESllON II5 with the progressive increase of the number of con- sumers, capital itself is turned aside from it's true economic aim, and becomes in part stationary in the hands of a few, instead of spreading and circulating; or it is directed towards the production of objects of superfluity, luxury, and fictitious wants, instead of being concentrated on the production of objects of primary necessity to life, and is risked in perilous, and, too often, immoral speculations. At the present day — and this is the curse of our actual social economy — capital is the tyrant of labour. Society is at present composed — economically speak- ing — of three classes: that is to say, of capitalists^ be- ing the possessors of the means and implements of labour, of land, of factories, ready money, and raw material; of middlemen^ chiefs and organizers of labour, and dealers, who are, or ought to be, the representa- tives of the intellectual side; and of operatives^ who represent the material side of labour. The first of these three classes is sole master of the field, and is in a position to promote, accelerate, de- lay, or direct labour towards certain special aims at will. And the share of this class of the results of labour and the value of production is comparatively settled and defined; the location of the instruments of labour is variable only within certain known and definite limits; and even time itself may be said to be, to some extent, in their power, as they are removed from the pressure of immediate want. The share of the second class is uncertain. It de- pends upon their intellect, their activity, and, above all, on circumstances, such as the greater or less development of competition and the flux and reflux Il6 THE DUTIES OF MAN. of capital, which is regulated by events not within the reach of their calculations. The workman's share consists simply of his wages, determined previously to the execution of the work, and without regard to the greater or less profits of the undertaking; and the limits within which those wages vary are determined by the relation that ex- ists between the supply and demand, or, in other words, between .the population of operatives and capital. Now, as the first constantly tends to increase, and to an increase generally superior (however slightly) to the increase of the second, the tendency of wages, where -no other causes intervene, is, of course, to decrease. Time, also, is altogether beyond the power of the workingman. Financial and political crises, the sud- den application of new machinery to the different branches of industrial activity, the irregularities of production, and its frequent excess and accumulation in a given direction (an evil inseparable from partially enlightened competition), the unequal distribution of the working classes upon certain points, or in certain branches of activity, and a hundred other causes tending to the interruption of labour, take from the operative all free choice as to his own condition. On the one side he sees absolute starvation, on the other the necessity of accepting whatever terms are offered to him. Such a state of things, I repeat, indicates the germ of a moral evil which must be cured. The remedies proposed both by the Philanthropists and Economists are unequal to this task. THE ECONOMICAL QUESTION. II7 And, nevertheless, there is progress in the class to which you belong; a progress historical and continu- ous, and which has overcome still greater difficul- ties. You were first slaves, then serfs; now you are hirelings. You have emancipated yourselves from slavery and from serfdom. Why should you not emancipate yourselves from the yoke of hirej and become free producers, and masters of the totality of production which you create ? Wherefore should you not accomplish, through your own peaceful endeavours and the assistance of a society having sacred duties towards each of its mem- bers, the most beautiful Revolution that can be con- ceived — a revolution which, accepting labour as the commercial basis of human intercourse, and the fruits of labour as the basis of property, should grad- ually abolish the class distinctions, the tyrannical dominion of one element of labour over another, and by proclaiming one sole law of just equilibrium between production and consumption, harmonize and unite all the children of the Country, the com- mon mother ? Owing principally to the teachings of the republi- can party, the sense of a social duty towards the sons of labour— the earnest of a better future for the peo- ple — had gradually been awakened in Europe dur- ing the last thirty years, when certain schools arose (in France especially), composed for the most part of well-meaning and sincere friends of the people, but led astray by an overweaning love of system-making, and by individual vanity. These schools introduced certain exclusive and ex- Il8 THE DUTIES OF MAN. aggefated doctrines under the name of Socialism — doc- trines frequently antagonistic to the wealth already- acquired by other classes, as well as economically im- possible. By terrifying the multitude of smaller shop- keepers, and creating a sense of distrust between the different classes of citizens, they caused the social question to recede, and split up the republican party into two separate camps. I cannot now pause to examine these different schools one by one. They were called Saint Simon- ianism, Fourierism, Communism, etc., etc. Nearly all of them were based upon ideas good in them- selves, and long accepted by all who belonged to the creed of Progress, but they spoiled or nullified these ideas by the erroneous and tyrannical methods by which they proposed to apply and reduce them to practice. And it is necessary that I should briefly point out to you wherein their errors consisted, be- cause the promises held out to the people by these systems are so magnificent as to be likely to seduce your approval, and you would run the risk, by accept- ing them, of retarding your emancipation, which is inevitable in a not far distant future. It is true — and this fact alone should awaken a strong sense of doubt in your minds — -that when cir- cumstances had |3laced some of the authors of these systems in power, they never attempted to realize their own doctrines in practice. Giants on paper, they dwindled and shrank before the difficulties of the practical reality. If, at some future day, you examine these various systems with attention — bearing in mind the funda- mental ideas I have hitherto pointed out to yoU, and THE ECONOMICAL QUESTION. II9 the indestructible characteristics of human nature, you will find that they all of them violate some of these characteristics, as well as the law of progress, and the method of its accomplishnlent through Hu- rrlanity. Progress is accomplished through laws which no human power can break. It is accomplished step by step, by the perpetual development and modification of the elements which manifest the activity of life. In certain epochs, in certain countries, and under the influence of certain errors or prejudices, men have frequently given the name of essential elements and characteristics of social life to things which have no root in nature, but only in the conventional cus- toms of an erring society — customs which disap- peared at the expiration of those epochs, or beyond the limits of those countries. But you may discern what are the true elements inseparable from our human nature, first, by in- terrogating — as I suggested elsewhere — the instincts of your own souls, and then by testing and verifying these by the tradition of all the ages, and of every country, in order to judge whether those instincts are such as have always been the instincts of Humanity. And those things which the innate voice within your- selves and the grand voice of Humanity alike de- clare to be essential elements, constitutive of life itself, have to be modified and developed from epoch to epoch, but can never be abolished. Among the essential elements of human life — such as Religion, Association, Liberty, and others to which I have alluded in the course of this work — Property is one. I20 THE DUTIES OF MAN. The first principle and origin of property is in hu- man nature itself. It represents the necessities of the material life of the individual, which it is his duty to maintain. Even as the individual is bound to transform the moral and intellectual world, through the medium of religion, science, and liberty, so he is bound to transform, ameliorate, and govern the physical world, through the medium of material labour. And property is the sign and representative of the fulfillment of that task, of the amount of la- bour by which the individual has transformed, devel- oped, and increased, the productive forces of nature. The Principle of property is therefore eternal, and you will find it recognized and protected throughout the whole existence of Humanity. But the modes by which it is governed are mutable, and destined — like every other manifestation of life — to undergo the law of Progress. They who, finding property once con- stituted and established in a certain manner, declare that manner to be inviolable, and struggle against every effort to transform it, thus deny progress itself. It is enough to take up two volumes of history, treating of two different epochs, to find an alteration in the constitution of property. And they who, be- cause at a given epoch they happen to find property ill-constituted, declare that it must be abolished and seek to cancel it from Society, deny one of the ele- ments of human nature, and would — were it possible they should succeed — retard progress by mutilating life. Property, however, would inevitably reappear shortly after, and probably in the identical shape it wore at the period of its abolition. THE ECONOMICAL QUESTION. 121 Property is ill-constituted at the present day, be- cause the source and origin of its actual division was, generally speaking, in conquest; in the violence by which, at a period remote from our own day, certain invading peoples or classes took possession either of land or of the fruits of labour not their own. Prop- erty is ill-constituted at the present day, because the bases of the partition of the fruits of a labour achieved by both proprietor and workman are not laid down in a just and equal proportion to the labour done. Property is ill-constituted, because, while it confers on its possessor political aud legisla- tive rights which are denied to the non-possessor, it tends to become the monopoly of the few, inaccessi- ble to the many. Property is ill-constituted, because the system of taxation is ill-constituted, and tends to maintain the privilege of wealth in the hands of the proprietor, while it oppresses the poorer classes, and renders saving impossible to them. But if, instead of correcting the errors, and slowly modifying the constitution of property, you should seek to abolish it, you would suppress a source of wealth, of emulation, and of activity, and would resemble the savage who cuts down the tree in order to gather its fruit. We must not seek to abolish property because at present it is the possession of the few: we must open up the paths by which the many may acquire it. We must go back to the principle which is its legitimiza- tion, and endeavour that it shall in future be the result of labour alone. We must lead Society towards es- tablishing a more equitable basis of remuneration be- tween the proprietor or capitalist and the workman. 122 THE DUTIES OF MAN. We must transform the system of taxation so as to exempt the first necessaries of life therefrom, and thus render that economy, which gradually produces prop- erty, possible to workingmen. And in order that these things may be, we must suppress the political privilege now conceded to property, and allow to all a share in the work of legislation. Now, all these things are both just and possible. By educating yourselves, and organizing yourselves earn- estly to demand them and determine to have them, you may obtain them; whereas, by seeking the aboli- tion of property, you would seek an impossibility, do an injustice to those who have already acquired it through their own labour, and diminish instead of increasing production. Nevertheless, the abolition of individual property is the remedy proposed by many of the Socialist systems of which I have spoken to you, and above all by Communism. Others have gone even further, and observing that the Religious idea, the idea of Government, and the idea of Country, are disfigured and falsified by relig- ious error, by class privilege, and dynastic selfishness, they demand the abolition of all religion, of all gov- ernment, and even of Nationality. This is the con- duct of children or barbarians. Might they not with as much reason declare that, disease being frequently generated by the corruption of the atmosphere, they demand the suppression of every respiratory gas? But the teachings of these men, who seek to found anarchy in the name of liberty, and to destroy society for the sake of the rights of the individual, require no further confutation from me to you. The whole of THE ECONOMICAL QUESTION. 123 my work is directed against this guilty dream, which is the negation of progress, of duty, of human fra- ternity, of the solidarity of nations, and of all those things which you and I hold in veneration. Those who, confining themselves within the limits of the economic question, demand the abolition of in- dividual property, and the organization of commun- ism, fall into another extreme — ^the negation of the individual and of liberty — which would close the path to progress, and (so to speak) petrify Society. The following is the general formula of Commun- ism: The property of every element of production, such as land, capital (movable or immovable), instruments of labour, etc., to be concentrated in the State. The State to assign to each man his portion of labour and his portion of compensation, some say with abso- lute equality, others say according to his wants. Such a mode of existence, were it possible, would be the existence of the beaver, not the life of a man. Liberty, dignity, and individual conscience would all disappear before this organization of productive machines. The satisfaction of the wants of physical life may be possible by such means, but intellectual and moral life would be entirely destroyed, and with it all emulation, all free choice of labour, all liberty of association, all the joys of property, and, in short, all that stimulates and urges man to production. The human family, under such a system, becomes a mere human flock or herd, and all that is necessary for it is a wide pasture-ground. Which of you could reconcile himself to such a pro- gramme? Equality is thus realized, say they. . What 124 1'HE DUTIES OF MAN. equality? Equality in the distribution of labour? That is impossible. Labour is in its nature various, and cannot be fairly calculated either by its duration or by the amount achieved in a given time; but rather by its difficulty, or by the more or less agreeable nature of the work done, the amount of human vital- ity it consumes, and its utility to Society. How can the equality or difference between an hour's labour passed in a mine, or in purifying the stagnant waters of a marsh, and an hour's labour spent in a spinning-factory, be estimated? The im- possibility of making such calculations fairly has, in fact, suggested to some of the founders of these sys- tems the idea of compelling every man to perform in his turn a certain amount of labour in every branch of useful activity; an absurd remedy, which would render perfection of production impossible, while it would be impotent to equalize the weak with the strong, the intellectually clever with the slow, the man with nervous temperament with the man of lymphatic tendency, etc. The labour which is easy and welcome to the one becomes irksome and diffi- cult to the other. Would it produce equality in the division of the products of labour? This also is impossible. Either the equality must be absolute (and this would result in great injustice, as there would be no distinction remaining between the different wants arising from organization, or be- tween the power and capacity created by a sense of duty and the power and capacity given, without merit or desert, by nature) or the equality must be relative, and calculated according to diversity of THE ECONOMICAL QUESTION. I25 wants, and then, by taking no account of individual production, it would violate those rights of property which ought to be the reward of the workman's labour. Moreover, who should be the Arbitrator and decide the just wants of each individual ? Should this Arbi- trator be the State ? Workingmen! brothers! are you disposed to accept a hierarchy of head-masters of the common property? — masters of the mind through the superiority given by an exclusive education, masters of the body from their power of determining the work you have to do, your capacity to do it, and your wants when it is done? Is not this a return to bygone slavery? Would not these masters, beguiled by that theory of interests of which they were the representatives, and seduced by the immense power concentrated in their hands, become again the founders of the hereditary dictator- ship of bygone castes? No; Communism would not realize equality among the sons of labour; it would not tend to increase pro- ductions—which is the great need at the present day — because it is in the nature of most men, when once the means of existence are secured to them, to rest satisfied; and the amount of incentive remaining to increase production, diffused over all the members of society, would be so small as not to have the power of rousing and exciting men's faculties. The quality ^ It has been calculated that, if one workman among a hundred thousand should produce the value of a hundred francs over the mean production of the community, he would gain as his own share the thousandth part of a franc, or three cents every thirty years. Can this be regarded as a stimulus to production ? 126 THE DUTIES OF MAN. of proauction would not be improved, as no encour- agement would be offered to progress in invention, which could never be wisely furthered by an uncer- tain and unintelligent collective direction and organi- zation. The only remedy Communism has to offer for all the thousand ills that afflict the sons of the people, is security agai?ist hunger. Now, are there no other means of achieving this? Cannot the workman's right to life and labour be se- cured without overturning the whole social organism, without rendering production sterile, and without im- peding progress by destroying individual liberty to enchain it thus in a tyrannical, military organization? The remedy for your sufferings cannot be found in any arbitary general organization, built up in a day by any one individual mind, opposed to the univer- sally received bases of civilization, and suddenly im- posed by decree. We are not here to create Human- ity, but to conii7iue it. We may, we ought to, modify the organization of its constituent elements, but we cannot suppress or destroy them. Humanity rebels, and ever will rebel, against the attempt. The time spent in an endeavour to realize these illusions would therefore be time lost. The remedy is not to be found in any increase of wages imposed by governmental authority, and, unac- companied by other changes, tending to increase cap- ital. An increased rate of wages — that is to say, an increase of the cost of production — would carry with it an increase in the price of production, a consequent diminution of consumption, and hence of work for the producers. THE ECONOMICAL QUESTION. I 27 The remedy is not to be found in any theory tend- ing to destroy individual liberty, which is the conse- cration of, and stimulus to, labour, nor in anything tending to diminish capital, which is the source and the instrument of labour and production. The remedy is to be found \nthe u7iio7i of labour and capital in the same hands. When society shall recognize no other distinction save the distinction between producers and consumers; or rather when every man shall be alike producer and consumer; when the profits of labour, instead of being parcelled out among that series of intermediates — which (beginning with the capitalists and ending with the retailer) frequently increases the price of produc- tion fifty per cent. — shall belong entirely to those w^ho perform the labour, all the pennatieftt causes of your poverty will be removed. Your future depends upon your emancipation from the exactions of capital, which is at present the arbi- trary ruler of a production in which it has no share. Your material and moral future. Look around you. Wherever you find capital and labour in the same hands — wherever the profits of labour are divided among the workmen in proportion to the increase of those profits and to the amount of aid given by the workmen to the collective work — you will find both a decrease of poverty and an increase of morality. In the canton of Zurig, in the Engadine, and in many other parts of Switzerland, where the peasant is a proprietor, and land, capital, and labour are united in the hands of a single individual; in Norway, Flan- ders, and Eastern Friesland; in Holstein, in the Ger- man Palatinate, in Belgium, and in the Island of 128 THE DUTIES OF MAN. Guernsey, on the English coast, there is visible a pros- perit}^ comparatively superior to all the other parts of Europe, where the cultivators are not the proprietors of the soil. These countries are peopled by a race of agricul- turists remarkable for their honesty, dignity, inde- pendence, and frank and open bearing. The mining population of Cornwall in England, and those American navigators who trade as whalers be- tween China and America, amongst whom this partici- pation in the profits of their labour obtains, are rec- ognized and admitted by official documents to be su- perior to the workmen who are remunerated by a pre- determined rate of wages. Association of laboiir^ and the division of the fruits of labour^ or rather of the profits of the sale of its produc- tions^ between the producers^ in proportion to the amount and value of the work done by each — this is the social future. You were once slaves, then serfs, then hirelings. You have but to will it, in order shortly to be- come free producers and brothers, through Asso- ciation. Association — but free, voluntary, and organized on certain bases, by yourselves, among men who know, esteem, and love each other; not imposed by the force of governmental authority, without respect to indi- vidual ties and affections, upon men regarded rather as ciphers and machines of production than as beings moved by spontaneous impulse and free will. Association — but to be administered with a truly re- publican fraternity by your own delegates, and from which you should be free to withdraw at your own discretion; not subject to the despotism of the State THE ECONOMICAL QUESTION. 1 29 or of an arbitarily constituted hierarchy, ignorant of your individual wants and position. An Association of nuclei — groups — to be formed according to your own tendencies, and not (as the authors of the systems of which I have spoken teach) of all the members of a given branch of industrial or agricultural activity. The concentration of all the members of the State, or even of all the citizens of a single city, following a given trade, into one sole productive society,would lead us back to the bygone tyrannical monopoly of the cor- porations. It would make of the producer the arbitrary judge of prices to the injury of the consumer; legal- ize the oppression of the minority; shut out the w^ork- man who might be unsatisfied or' discontented with its regulations from all possibility of finding work; and suppress the necessity of progress, by extinguish- ing all rivalry in work, and all stimulus to invention. Within the last twenty years Association has oc- casionally been timidly attempted in France, in Bel- gium, and in England, and it has been crowned with success wherever it was commenced with energy, resolution, and a spirit of self-sacrifice.^ In Association is the gernv of an entire social transformation, a transformation which, by emanci- pating you from the servitude of wages, will gradually further and increase production and improve the eco- nomical position of the country. ^ See, on this subject, Self-help by the People, and The History of Cooperation in Halifax, written by G. J. Hoiyoake (London Book Store, 282 Strand) valuable and encouraging little books which should be in the hands of working people. — Translator's Note. 130 THE DUTIES OF MAN. The tendency of the present system is to make the capitalist seek to increase his gains in order to witii- draw from the arena: while the tendency of associa- tion would be to secure the continuance of labour — that is to say, of production. At present the master, the director of the work done, who generally owes his position to no special aptitude but to mere possession of capital, is liable to be improvident, rashly speculative, or incompetent; an association, directed by chosen delegates, and watched over by all its members, would not run the risk of suffering from such errors or defects. ' Under the present systein labour is too often di- rected to the production of superfluities rather than necessaries, and owing to a capricious and unjust in- equality of pay, workmen in one branch of activity abound, while they are wanting in another branch. The workman, limited to a determinate recompense, has no motive to spend all the zeal and energy of which he is capable upon his work, in order to multi- ply and improve its produce. Evidently Association would offer a remedy to this and many other causes both of interruption and in- feriority of production. Liberty of withdrawal for individual members, without injury to the Association — equality of all the members in the choice of an elective administration, with powers either renewable at a given period, or, better, subject to revocation — freedom of admission posterior to the foundation of the Association, with- out the obligation of introducing new capital, but with permission to supply its place by an annual con- tribution to the treasury of the Association, to be de- THE ECONOMICAL QUESTION. I3I ducted from the profits of the first years of union — iiidivisbility and perpetuity of the collective capital — sucli an amount of compensation as secures the necessities of life equally to all — free distribution of the tools or instruments of labour to all, according to the quantity and quality of the work done ; such are the general bases upon which you must found your associations, if you are willing to achieve a work of present self-sacri- fice for the benefit of the class to which you belong. Each of these bases, and above all that concerning the perpetuity of the collective capital, which is the pledge of your own emancipation and your link with future generations; would require a chapter to itself. But a special study of the question of workingmen's associations does not enter into the plan of my pres- ent work. Perhaps, should God grant me some few more years of life, I may make of this study a separ- ate labour of love for you. In the meantime, rest as- sured that the rules I have just sketched for you are the result of deep reflection and earnest study, and deserve your attentive consideration. But the capital? The capital by which association is to be initiated in the first instance; whence to ob- tain this ? It is a grave question, and I cannot treat it at such length as I would wish. But I may briefly point out your own duty and that of others. The first source of that capital is in yourselves, in your own economy, your own spirit of self-sacrifice. I know the position of too many of you, but there are some of you who — either owing to a continuance of work or its better compensation — are in a position to economise for this aim. Some eighteen or twenty 132 THE DUTIES OF MAN. of these might thus collect the trifling sum necessary to enable you to commence work on your own account. And the consciousness of fulfilling a sol- emn duty, and thus deserzwig your emancipation, ought to give you strength to do this. I might quote for you many industrial associations, now well established and flourishing, which were be- gun by a few workmen with their savings of a penny a day. I might relate to you many stories of sacri- fices heriocally endured in France^ and elsewhere, by the first few workmen who commenced such en- terprises, and are now in possession of considerable capital. There is, indeed, scarcely any difficulty which may not be overcome by strong will,^ when ^ In 1848, the delegates of some hundreds of workmen who had united together with the idea of establishing a pianoforte manufac- tory upon the Associative principles, finding that a large capital was necessary for their undertaking, applied to the Government for a loan of 300,000 francs. The application was refused. The association was dissolved, but fourteen workmen determined to overcome every obstacle and reconstitute it out of their own re- sources. They had neither money nor credit : they had faith. They initiated their society with a capital consisting of tools and instruments of labour of the value of about 2,000 francs. But a floating capital was indispensable. Each of these workmen contrived, not without great difficulty, to contribute 10 francs, and other workmen, not belonging to their society, added some little offerings to swell their capital. On the loth of March, 1849, h^^ving collected the sum of 229 francs 50 centimes, the Association was declared to be founded. But their little social fund was insufficient for the cost of start- ing and the small daily incidental expenses of their establishment. Nothing remained for wages, and two months passed without the members of the Association receiving a single cent in remunera- THE ECONOMICAL QUESTION. 133 sustained by the consciousness of doing good. Al- most all of you may contribute some trifling aid to the primary little fund, either in money, raw mate- rial, or implements of labour. By a consistent course of conduct and habits of life, calculated to win the esteem of your companions or relations, you may induce them to advance small loans, in consideration of which they might become shareholders, and receive the interest of their money from the profits of the enterprise. In many branches of industry in which the price of tools or of raw material is trifling, the capital re- quired for commencing work on your own account is small, and you may collect or save it among your- tion for their labour. How did ihey subsist during this time of crisis? As workingmen do subsist in periods when they are with- out work, through help given by their comrades, or by selling or pawning their goods. Some orders, however, had been executed, and these were paid for on the 4th of May, 1849. That day was to the Association what the first victory is in war, and they determined to celebrate it. Having paid all urgent debts, each associate received a sum of 6 francs 61 centimes. It was agreed that each should keep 5 francs, and that the remainder should be spent in a fraternal banquet. The fourteen members, most of whom had not tasted wine for more than a year, sat down to a common dinner with their families. The cost was 32 sous a family. For another month their wages only reached 5 francs a week. In June, however, a baker, either a lover of music or a speculator, proposed to buy a pianoforte 'from them, and pay for it in bread. The offer was accepted, and the price agreed upon was 480 francs. This was a piece of good fortune for the Association, which was thus sure of the first nec- essary of life. The price of the bread was not considered in the wages of the members. Each man received the amount necessary 134 THE DUTIES OF MAN. selves if you resolutely detennine to do so. And it will be in every respect better for you that the capi- tal be all your own, acquired by the sweat of your own brows, and of the credit you have gained by con- scientious work. Even as those nations which have achieved their lib- for his own consumption, and the married men enough for their families. By degrees, the Association, the members of which were very clever workmen, surmounted the obstacles and privations of the first period of its existence. Their books gave excellent testi- mony to their progress. In the month of August the v^reekly earn- ings of each member rose from lo to 15 and 20 francs: nor did this represent the whole of their profits, for each member paid into the common fund a weekly contribution larger than the sum he . withdrew as wages for his own use. On the 30th of December, 1850, the books of the Association re- vealed the following encouraging facts: The members at that date amounted to thirty-two. The establishment was paying 2,000 francs per annum for rent, and their premises were already too small for tlieir business. The value of the tools, etc., belonging to the Society was 5,922 francs, 66 centimes. The value of their goods and raw material amounted to 22,972 francs 28 centimes. The cash-box of the Society contained bills for 3,540 francs. Open credits, almost all good, amounted to 5,861 francs 99 cen- times. Their stock, therefore, amounted to 38,296 francs 93 centimes. The Society only owed 4,737 francs 80 centimes of ordinary busi- ness debts, and 1,65 francs to eighty well-wishers to the Associa- tion among vvorkingmen in the same trade, for small loans ad- vanced to the Association at its commencement. The net balance in favour of the Society was therefore, 31,- 909.13 francs. Since then the Association has never ceased to flourish. THE ECONOMICAL QUESTION. I35 erty by shedding their own blood, are those which best know how to preserve it, so your associations will de- rive a better and more durable profit from the capital acquired through your own labour, watchfulness, and economy, than from that obtained from any other source. This is the nature of things. The Working- men's Associations which were founded with govern- mental aid in Paris in 1848 prospered far less than those whose first capital was the fruit of the men's own sacrifices. But, although I — loving you too earnestly for servile adulation — thus admonish you of the points of weak- ness which either exist or may arise among you, and exhort you to self-sacrifice, this in no way diminishes the duties of others towards you. Those to whom circumstances have granted wealth ought to understand this. They ought to understand that the emancipation of your class is a part of the Providential design, and that it will be accomplished whether with them or against them. Many of them do understand it, and amongst these, if you give them proofs of an earnest and determined will, and of an honest intelligence, you will find help in your under- takings. They can — and if they are once convinced that your endeavour after Association is not the de- sire of a day, but the faith of a majority among you — chey will smooth your path towards obtaining credit, either by advances of money, by establishing banks giving credit to collective bodies of workmen for work to be done, or possibly, by admitting you to a share in the profits of their establishments, as an inter- mediate step between the past and future, which might probably enable you to put together the small 136 THE DUTIES OF MAN. amount of capital necessary for the forn^ation of an independent Association. In Belgium, banks, called Banks of Anticipation, or Banks of the People, already exist, offering such facili- ties as I have described. In Scotland, also, I believe, there are many banks willing to give credit to any man of known probity, ready to pledge his own hon- our, and able to offer the security of one other indi- vidual of equally good character. And the plan of admitting the w^orkmen to a participation in the profits of the business has already been adopted by several employers with remarkable success.^ ^ In Paris, for instance, the house- painting establishment of M. Leclaire is founded upon this principle, and is well-known for its prosperous condition. CHAPTER XII. CONCLUSION. But the State, the Government — an institution only legitimate when based upon a mission of education and progress not yet understood — the State has a sol- emn duty towards you, a duty which will be easy of fulfillment when we have a really National Govern- ment, the Government of a free and united people. A vast series of means of help might be bestowed by the Government upon the people, by which the social problem might be solved without spoliation, violent measures or interference with the wealth pre- viously acquired by any of its citizens, and without exciting that immoral and unjust antagonism between class and class, fatal to the national welfare, which visibly retards the progress of France at the present day. The following would be important and powerful modes of assistance : The exercise of a moral influence in favour of the association of workingmen by the publicly manifested approval of the Government agents, by a frequent dis- cussion of their fundamentary principles in the House of Representatives, and by legalizing all the volun- tary associations constituted on the basis indicated above, 138 THE DUTIES OF MAN. Improved methods of communication, and the aboli- tion of the obstacles now impeding the free convey- ance of produce. The establishment of public magazines and depots in which the approximate value of the goods or mer- chandise consigned having been ascertained, the As- sociations should receive a document or receipt nego- tiable in the manner of a bank-bill, by which means the Associations would be enabled to carry on their affairs without the ruinous necessity of an immediate sale without regard to prices. The concession of the execution of necessary pub- lic works to Workingmen's Associations upon equal terms to those granted to individual contractors. The simplification of judicial forms, justice being at present ruinously costly, and too often inaccessible to the poor. Legal facilities given for the sale and transfer of landed property. A radical transformation of the system of taxation, by the substitution of one sole tax upon income for the present complex and expensive system of direct and indirect taxation. This would give public and practical sanction to the principle of the sacredness of human life^ for as neither labour, progress, nor the fulfillment of duty are possible without life, a given amount of money, the amount judged necessary to the maintenance of life, should be exempt from all taxa- tion. But there are further means : The secularization or appropriation of ecclesiastical property by the State — a thing not at present to be thought of, yet, nevertheless, inevitable in the future, CONCLUSION. 139 when the State shall assume its true educational mis- sion — will place a vast sum of wealth in the hands of the nation. To this may be added the value of hith- erto unreclaimed land, and the profits of railways and other public enterprises, the administration of which should be in the hands of the State; the value of the landed property belonging to the communes,^ the value of property now descending by collateral succession beyond the fourth degree, and which should revert to the State, and many other sources of wealth which it is unnecessary here to enumerate. Suppose all this mass of wealth and resources accumulated in the formation of a National Fund, to be consecrated to the intellectual and economic prog- ress of the whole country. Why should not a con- siderable portion of such a fund be employed (proper provision being made to guard against its wasteful use or dissipation) as a Fund of Credit, bearing inter- est at one and a half or two per cent., to be distrib- uted to the Voluntary Workingmen's Associations, constituted according to the bases indicated above, and giving evidence of morality and capacity? This sum of capital to be held sacred, not merely to the promo- tion of labour in the present generation, but in futur- ity ; its operation being upon so vast a scale as to ensure compensation for the occasional inevitable losses it would have to sustain. ^ This property belongs legally to the communes, morally to the poor of the communes. I do not mean that such property should be taken from the communes, but that it should be consecrated to the poor of each commune, and thus constituted, under the super- vision of elective communal councils, the inalienable Capital of Agricultural AJjSociations. 140 THE DUTIES OF MAN. The distribution of the Fund of Credit ought not to be in the hands either of the Government or of a National Central Bank, but of local Banks, adminis- tered b}^ elective Municipal Councils, under the supervision of the Central Government. Without subtracting anything from the actual wealth of any existing class, and without enriching any shigle class through the medium of that taxation which, being contributed by all citizens, should be employed for the advantage and benefit of all ; such a series of measures as are here suggested, by diffus- ing credit, increasing and improving production, compelling a diminution of the rate of interest, and intrusting the progress and continuity of labour to the zeal and interest of the producers, would re- place the limited and ill-directed sum of wealth at present concentrated in a few hands, by a wealthy nation, directress of it§ own production and con- sumption. Such, Workingmen, is your future. You may hasten this future. Conquer for yourselves your coun- try, and a truly popular Government, the representa- tive of your collective life and mission. Organize yourselves in a vast league of the people, so that your voice shall be the voice of the million, not merely of a few individuals. Truth and justice will be on your side, and the Nation will listen to you. But, be warned! and believe the words of a man who has been earnestly studying the course of events in Europe during the last thirty years, and who has seen the holiest enterprises fail in the hour of prom- ised success through the errors or immorality of their supporters. You will never succeed unless through CONCLUSION. 141 your own improvefuent. You can only obtain the exercise of your rights by deserving them through your own activity and your own spirit of love and sacrifice. If you seek your rights in the name of duties fulfilled or to fulfill, you will obtain them. If you seek them in the name of selfishness, or any theory of happiness and well-being propounded by the teachers of mate- rialism, you will never achieve other than a momen- tary triumph, to be followed by utter delusion. They who appeal to you in the name of well-being and happiness, will deceive and betray you. They seek only their own well-being and happiness, and merely desire to unite with you as an element of strength wherewith to overcome the obstacles in their own path. When once they have obtained their own rights through your help, they w411 abandon the effort to obtain yours in order to enjoy their own. Such is the history of the last half-century, and the name of this last half-century is. Materialism. Sad story of blood and sorrow! I have seen them in my own land — these men who denied God, relig- ion, virtue, and sacrifice, and spoke only in the name of the right to happiness and enjoyment — I have seen them advance boldly to the struggle with the words People and Liberty on their lips, and unite with us men of a better faith, w^ho imprudently admitted them in our ranks. As soon as a first victory, or the opportunity of some cowardly compromise, opened the path of enjoyment to them, they forsook the cause of the people, and became our bitterest enemies the day after. A few years of danger and persecu- tion were sufificient to weary and discourage them. And wherefore should they; men without any con- 142 THE DUTIES OF MAN. scientious belief in a Law of Duty, without faith in a mission imposed upon man by a Supreme Power, have persisted in sacrifice even to the last years of Life? And I have seen, with deep sadness, the sons of the people, educated in materialism by those men, turn false to their mission and their future, false to their country and themselves, betrayed by some fool- ish, immoral hope of obtaining material happiness, through furthering the caprice or interest of a des- potism. I have seen the workingmen of France stand by, indifferent spectators of the coup d' Hat of the second of December, because all the great social questions had dwindled in their minds into a question of material prosperity; and they foolishly believed that the promises, artfully made to them by him who had destroyed the liberty of their country, would be kept. Now they mourn over their lost liberty, without having acquired even the promised material well- being. No; without God, without the sense of a moral law, Wilt'hout morality, without a spirit of sacrifice, and by merely following after men who have neither faith, nor reverence for truth, nor holiness of life, nor aught to guide them but the vanity of their own systems — I repeat it with deep conviction — you will never succeed. You may achieve ^meutes^ but you will never realize the true Great Revolution you and I alike desire — a revolution, not the offspring and illusion of irritated selfishness, but of religious con- viction. Your own improvement and that of others ; this must CONCLUSION. 143 be the supreme hope and aim of every social trans- formation. You cannot change the fate of man by merely em- bellishing his material dwelling. You will never in- duce the society to which you belong to substitute a system of Association for a system of salary and •wages, unless you convince them that your associa- tion will result in improved production and collec- tive prosperity. And you can only prove this by showing yourselves capable of founding and main- taining associations through your own honesty, mutual good-will, love of labour, and capacity of self-sacrifice. In order to progress, you must show yourselves capable of progress. Tradition, Progress, Association. These three things are sacred. Twenty years ago I wrote : " I believe in the grand voice of God which the Ages transmit to us through the universal tradition of Humanity, and it teaches me that the Family, the Nation, and Humanity, are the three spheres in which the human individual is destined to labour for the common good towards the moral perfection of himself and others. *' It teaches me that property is destined to be tne manifestation of the material activity of the individ- ual, of his share in the transformation of the physical world; as the franchise is the manifestation of his share in the administration of the political world. •'^ It teaches me that the merit or demerit of the individual, before God and man, depends upon his use of these rights; and it teaches me that all these things, being elements of human nature, are peren- 144 THE DUTIES OF MAN. nially modified and transformed as they gradually approach more closely to that ideal of which our souls have prevision — but that they can never be can- ceiled nor destroyed. '' It teaches me that the dreams of Communism, of the annihilation or absorption of the individual in the social whole, have never been more than fleeting inci-. dents in the life of the human race, reappearing momentarily in every intellectual and moral crisis, but incapable of realization except upon a trifling scale, as in the Christian Monasteries and Convents. *' I believe in the eternal progressive life of God's creature; in the progress of Thought and Action, not only in the man of the past, but in the man of the future. I believe that it is of little comparative im- port to determine the form and method of the future progress, but that it is of great import to open up all the paths of progress by bestowing upon mankind a truly religious education which will enable them to complete it. " I believe that we can never make man worthier, more loving, nobler, or more divine — which is in fact our end and aim on earth — by merely heaping upon him the means of enjoyment, and setting before him as the aim of life that irony which is named happi- ness. " I believe in Association as the sole means we pos- sess of realizing progress, not merely because it mul- tiplies the action of the productive forces, but because it tends to unite all the various manifestations of ihe human mind, and to bring the life of the individual into communion with the collective life of the whole, and I know that Association will never be fruitful of CONCLUSION. 145 good except among free men and free peoples, con- scious and capable of their mission. *^ I believe that man should be able to eat and live without having every hour of his existence absorbed by material labour, so that he may be able to culti- vate the superior faculties of his nature; but I listen with dread to those who tell you that enjoy^nent is your right, and material ivell-heing your aim, because I know that such teachings can only produce egoists, and that these doctrines have been in France, and threaten to be in Italy, the destruction of every noble idea, of every sacrifice, and of every pledge of future greatness. *' The life-destroying evil of Humanity at the present day is the want of a common faith, a common thought, accepted and admitted by all men, and which shall relink earth to Heaven, the Universe with God. Deprived of this common faith, man has bowed down before lifeless matter and become a worshipper of the idol Self-I^iterest. And the first priests of that fatal worship were Kings, Princes, and evil Governments. They invented the horrible formula of each for himself, for they knew that it would increase selfishness, and that there is but one step between the egoist and the slave." Workingmen, brothers ! avoid that step ! Your future depends upon this. Yours is the solemn mission to prove that we are all the sons of God, and brethren in Him. You can only prove this by improving yourselves, and fulfill- ing your duty. I have pointed out to you, to the best of my power, what your duties are, the most important being those 10 146 THE DUTTRS OF MAN. owed to your country. The amelioration of your present condition can only result from your partici- pation in the political life of the Nation. Until you can obtain the franchise, your wants and aspirations will never be truly represented. On the day in which you Should follow the ex- ample of too many French Socialists, and separate the social from the political question, saying: ''We will work out our own emancipation^ whatever be the form of Institution by which our country is governed " — that day you would have yourselves decreed the perpetuity of your own social servitude. And in bidding you farewell, I will remind you of another duty not less solemn than that which binds you to achieve and preserve the freedom and unity of your Country. Your complete emancipation can only be founded and secured upon the triumph of a Principle — the principle of the Unity of the Human Family. At the present day one half of the Human Family — that half from which we seek both inspiration and consolation, that half to which the first education of childhood is entrusted — is, by a singular contradic- tion, declared civilly, politically, and socially unequal and excluded from the great Unity. To you who are seeking your own enfranchisement and emancipation in the name of a Religious Truth, to you it belongs to protest on every occasion and by every means against this negation of Unity. The Emancipation of Wo?7ian, then, must be re- garded by you as necessarily linked with the emanci- pation of the workingman. Tliis will give to your endeavours the consecration of a Universal Truth. Mj Isical lemorie By REV. H. R. HAWEIS, A.M., Author op *' American Humorists," Etc., Etc. 13mo, Cloth. Price, SI, Postpaid. A volume of personal remiuiscences, dealing with early Life and Recollections, Hearing Music, Old Violins, Paganini, Wagner, ^'Parsifal," Liszt, and other kindred sub- jects, in a manner both artistic and pleas- ing, which shows the author to be a person of great critical ability in the realm of music. He is an enthusiast, for music hath charms, so hath its memories ; but his en- thusiasm never carries him beyond the bounds of good sense and fair judgment. *'0f all Mr. Haweis' contributions to mu- sical literature, none is richer or more read- able than ' My Musical Memories' ; in short, it is a treasury of musical iiitellij^ence such as only a criLical taste and an almost infalli- ble instinct could have gathered."— !Z7ie Mu- sical Herald, Boston. ** Those who know the charm and clear- ness of Mr. Haweis' style in descriptive musical essays will need no commendation of these ' Memories,' which are not only vivid but critical." — 2%e Public Ledg^.r, Phila. BETTER NOT A GOOD BOOK By Bishop J, H, Vincent, D,D„ LL.D, Chancellor of Chautauqua University. Ijano, Cloth. Price, 50 Cents, Postpaid. The Chancellor of the famous Chautauqua Uni- versity needs no introduction to the reading public. " Better Not " analyses the subject of the dance, the theatre, the card- table, the w\ne-flask, and kindred matters in such a way as to induce its readers to echo back its title, ** Better Not," with the warmth of sincere ap- proval. To Parents : " What policy in reference to the dance, the theater, the card-table, and the wine-ij'-lass, shall parents adopt— parents who ai'e anxious to act with the highest wisdom in the training- of their children, and to promote in them stretij^-th and nobility of character, habit- ual self-denial, and earnest effort for the good of others ? ^^—By the Author. To Young People : " What policy in reference to the dance, tlie theater, the card-table, and the wine-srlass, shall youn^ people adopt— young- people who are anxious to act with the highest wisdom, respect, and affection toward their pa- rents, and who are ambitious to attain strength of character and to set the safest and best ex- ample to their friends and companions in soci- ety ? ''—By the Author. "We like his volume."— iV. T. Herald. " Will be of great moral advantage."— Herald of Gospel Liberty. ''Frank, fair and ef£ective.'''~Christian Advo- cate, Nashville. " Timely, fair and'sensible."— (7eniraZ Baptist, '* May profitably be considered." — Brooklyn Daily Eagle, '' FUNK & WAGNAIiliS, Publishers, 18 & 20 Astor Place, New York. * KNOCKS TO P'LINDERS the theories of elc cutioaists,'*^ says The N. Y. Evangelist, " It is level-headed and spirited. Full of pith and point." — N, Y. Independent. A BOOK FOR EVERYONE, Before an Audience; OR, Tie Use of Die Will in PuDllc SDcaUiig. Talks to the students of the University of St. Andrews and the University of Aberdeen. By Nathan Sheppard. l^iuo. Cloth. Price, 75 cts., Postage Tree. Partial Contents: A Good Speaking* Voice to be Acquired by an Exercise of the Will ; Artic- ulation to be Acquired by the Will ; Physical Earnestness ; 'I'he Self-ReUance for Public Speaking- ; The Art of Being- Natural ; The Dra- matic Element in Public Speakinji: ; The Rhet- oric for Public Speaking- ; A Talk About Au- diences ; How to Think of Something- to Say. Elocutionists, Take Notice.— "Your craft is in danger, your occupation is threatened 1 How many beautiful stories of the advice g-iven by actors and orators he spoils ! How many beautiful bubbles he bursts] The * talks' are decidedly witty and philosophical. "—-iVaiiona/ Baptist. Destinefl to Make a Disturbance. — "The author has broken from the old lines atid struck out with a vig-or and streng-th of cooi, hard sense that is as refreshing- as a breath of salt sea air. It is surely destined to make no small disturb- ance among- the men of pretty g^estures and voices g-otten up for the occasion."— The Watch- wan^ Boston. Capital, Familiar and Rncy — "I shall recommend it to our three schools of elocutxOn. It is capital, familiar, racy, and profoundly philosophical,"— Josep/i 2^ Burijea, D.D. FUNK & WAGNALLS, Publishers, 18 & 20 Astor Place, New York. r A BRIGHT BOOK FOR YOUR BOYS. 1 Hi Hi ♦ 4f THE STARS * a- AND CONSTELLATIONS; OR, Astronomy Without a Teacher. By ROYAL HILL. A new and original method by which all the more conspicuous stars, constellations and other objects of interest in the heavens, that are visible to the naked eye, can be easily and certainly identified without Instruments, Globes or Maps, including a novel and simple invention — a perpetual time-table wherewith a child may "tell the stars" at any hour. Printed on super-royal fine paper. 4to, with two charts and 14 cuts. Beauti- fully bound in cloth with handsome gilt designs. Price, $1.00. " All that is needed to identify easily all the leading stars and constellations."" — Prop. C. A. Young, Princeton. "I have examined 'The Stars and Constellations.'' ... I heartily recommend it."— Prof. S. P. Lang- ley, Director Allegheny Observatory, Allegheny,Pa. '" 'J'he Stars and Conytellations ' pleases me very much.''— J. K. Rees, Director Columbia College Observatory, New York. FUNK & WAGNALLS CO., I.ONDON. New York. Toronto. )aw;niin'v;wTigs:Maai3ioatasa»atffii,.w;M;^> ■ -.t^mM POPULAR SCIENCE. NATURE . „ . EDITED r>Y . . . A Series of Popular Scientific Expositions by Grant Allen, Richard A. Proctoi', Andrew Wilson, Thomas Foster, and Edward Clodd. With copious Index. 12iuo, 2G4 pp, Fapei-j 25c.; Clotli, $1, Postaj,^© Free. Contents : Charles A. Uarwin, Newton aud Diirwin. Dreams, lloiicy Ams. Coloi- of Animals, A Winter Weed. A Poisonous .Li;^ard. Birds with Teeth. The Fiji Islands. Ilyacintli Bulbs. 0\ir Unbidden Guests. The First Dall'odil. Strange Bea Monsters Oi'igin of ]]uttercui)s. Foinid Linlvs. Intelhg'ence in Anima Our Ancestors. Beetle's View of Life What is a Grape ? Germs of Disease. AWondei'f nl Discover Brain Troubles. Thouglit Eeading. Monkshood. "lieplete Avith interest and generiil information wrested from tlie tight grasp of miiwv a. '*''— Inter io't\ Gh'cago. FUNK&.WAGNALLS COMPANY, Publishers, i8 and 20 Astor Place, New York. ^81iould reach Us Imndred-Uiousandth edition.''' — • GMcago Journal, ETHICS OF MARRIAGE A Most Vahtable Book By H. S. Pomeroy, M. 1). Prefatory note by Tlios. Addis Emmet, M. D., LL, D., and introduction by Ecv. J. T. Diiryea, I). D., Boston.' With an Ap- pendix showing the laws of most of the States and Territories regarding certain forms of crime. 12mo, Cloth, 150 pp., Price, $1.00, POSTAGE FIIEE. '^ To the earnest man and woman everywhere, who has watched the reckless manner in which marriages are contracted, the wicked way in which responsi- bilities arc shifted and ignored, and the slow and sure defilement of society because the criminal classes are allowed to ])ropagate their vile species, wdiile Christian households and moral parents ignore their duty to this and to the next world, this book is almost like a voice from Heaven. Should reach its hundred-thousandth edition."— Chicago Jaurnal. "It deserves to lie alongside the Bible in the foundation of each home.''— i^e-y. 0, P. Gif'ord^ Boston. "I have read your book with deep interest and heartily concur in it. . , . jNlay God bless your swovdn. '-'—E'lizabeih A. Tobey, Fres. Mass. W. G. T. U. "A subject of great delicacy and yet commanding present importance is treated with the utmost pro- priety of tone and expression ; with adequate know- ledge, both theoretical and practical ; with unllmch- ing thoroughness and courage in the exposure of the evil, and with a reformatory purpose worthy of both the man of science and the Christian."— ii?e?;.e/osc^)/i Co oh. FUNK(StWAGNALLS COMPANY, Publishers i8 and 20 Antor Place, New York.